I ; . . ' . ' 






■■■■ . 








Glass 
Book 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



THE 



PRESIDENTS 



THE UNITED STATES 



WASHINGTON TO CLEVELAND 



COMPBJ 



THEIR PERSONAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY 



JOHN FROST, LL.D. 

BROUGHT DOWN TO THE PBE B BY 

HARRY W. FRENCH 






o 



BOSTON 1889 
LEE AND SHEPARD Publishers 

10 .Mil K STREET ' :; >E'' 

1iH AND "20 BBOADWAY 



Cor- s • A.RD, 



..tl.L AND Cr 



PEEFACE. 



There can be no more interesting subjects for study 
than the lives of those who have been chosen by the 
free suffrage of a great nation to administer the 
government. From their career, we may discover 
what qualities and what practices most certainly lead 
to honor and renown, and gain a knowledge of the 
character and progress of the people, by seeing who 
have been their favorites. These things are for the 
world to acquire. Americans may find many other mat- 
ters to interest them in these biographies. The lover 
of his country and her institutions has a deep concern in 
becoming acquainted with every portion of their history, 
which cannot be attained without studying the lives 
of those men who founded, improved, defended, and 
sustained the government. 

The Presidents of the United States form a bright 
galaxy, of which few countries can produce a parallel. 

3 



4 PREFACE. 

Warriors and statesmen, equal to every emergency, have 
been raised to the great chair of state with that un- 
erring sagacity which is characteristic of a free and 
enlightened nation. 

We have not thought a full history of the various ad- 
ministrations within the scope of our work. Our object 
has been to give a clear view of the whole career of each 
President, The discussion of measures does not form 
a part of genuine biography, and can only serve to 
render a book like the present obnoxious to many 
readers. 

Since the time of Jackson, we believe, it has become 
a custom, to publish full biographies of all candidates 
for the Presidency as soon as they are nominated. Of 
course, these " lives and services " are subjected to the 
severest criticism of antagonistic politicians, and the 
truth is thus elicited. In this country, good men have 
nothing to fear from discussion. Slanders will be set 
afoot, but when disproved, they will die. It is a fact — 
perhaps, a lamentable fact — that no man can stand as a 
candidate for the Presidency, without being exposed to 
the worst shafts of party malignity. His best acts will 
be misrepresented — and those which, though unwise, 
were only the consequences of mistaken judgment, be 



PREFACE. 5 

distorted, so as to appear the fruits of a wicked heart. 
But Justice has a brow like the sky ; the clouds will be 
swept away, and she will smile upon the pure and true. 
In ancient Rome, men followed the hero in his triumph 
with revilings, to check his pride. In our country, men 
assail the character of candidates for high office to find 
the true gold of honesty and capacity. 



CONTENTS; 



PAGE 

George Washington 9 

John Adams 49 

Thomas Jefferson 65 

* James Madison 91 

James Monroe •. 125 

\)John Qi'incv Adams 139 

Andrew Jackson 187 

Martin Van Buren 257 

William Henry Harrison 271 

John Tyler 305 

James Knox Polk 323 

/a chary Taylor 355 

Millard Fillmore 387 

Franklin Pierce 393 

James Buchanan 405 

/ Abraham Lincoln 427 

*' Andrew Johnson 461 

Ulysses S. Grant 475 

Rutherford B. Hayes 497 

James A. Garfield 505 

Chester A. Arthur . 523 

Grover Cleveland 537 

7 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

In entering on the delineation of the life and character 
of the immortal Washington, we feel as if we were rising 
above the common plain of humanity. He stands upon an 
eminence, wrapped in purity, serenity, and sublimity — a 
man, yet above the rest of mankind. Whether we con- 
template him as a boy, forming rules for the guidance of 
his conduct, and employed in the difficult service of sur- 
veying the savage wilderness — as a provincial colonel, 
saving his troops from the consequences of a British 
general's folly — as commander-in-chief of the army of 
independence, snatching his country from the dark pit 
of despair, defeating disciplined forces with a handful of 
half-starved troops, undaunted by the saddest reverses, 
striking the enemy when they deemed him crushed — 
retaining the confidence -of the mass in spite of cabals, 
intrigues and calumny — as president, when he might 
have been king, carrying into successful experiment 
a new and glorious system of government — and 
nobler still, as a true patriot and republican, retiring 



10 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

to the shades of private life, when the staff of power might 
have remained in his hands until his death — he excites in 
an equal degree, our wonder and admiration. 

George Washington was descended from an old English 
family, the name of Washington being traceable as far back 
as the thirteenth century. Most of the members belonged to 
the better class of agriculturalists. About 1657, two brothers, 
John and Lawrence Washington, emigrated to Virginia, 
and settled" at Bridge's creek, on the Potomac river, in the 
county of Westmoreland. The brothers bought lands and 
became successful planters. Not long after, John Washington 
was employed in a military command against the Indians ; 
and he rose to the rank of colonel. He married Anne Pope, 
by whom he had two sons, Lawrence and John, and a 
daughter. The elder son, Lawrence, married Mildred 
Warner, of Gloucester county, by whom he had three children, 
John, Augustine, and Mildred. Augustine, the second son, 
was twice married. By his first wife he had four children. 
of whom two died in iidbmcy. By his second wife, Mary 
Ball, he had six children, George, Betty, Samuel, John Au- 
gustine, Charles, and Mildred.* George Washington, the 
illustrious father of his country, was born on the 22d of 
February, 1732. 

Each of the sons of Augustine Washington inherited from 
him a separate plantation. To the eldest, Lawrence, he 
bequeathed an estate near Hunting Park, afterwards called 
Mount Vernon. The second son had for his part an estate 
in Westmoreland. To George were left the lands and man- 
sion in Stafford county, on the Rappahannock river, where 
his father had died. All the children were left in a condi- 
tion of independence. Mrs. Washington, a woman of strong 

* Sparks. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 11 

sense, prudence, and industry, had control of all the estates 
until their owners came of age. She performed the difficult 
task allotted to her, with entire success — and the world 
should give her the same tribute of respect and veneration 
which has been awarded to the mothers of all truly great 
men. 

The province of Virginia offered but scanty means of 
education. Enough knowledge for a practical business life 
was the most that could be obtained. Reading, writing, 
arithmetic, and the mathematics, were alone within the 
reach of Washington. It is said that he was a diligent 
student ; but that his passion for active sports and military 
exercises was displayed at a very early age. He delighted 
in running, jumping, wrestling, tossing bars, and other feats 
of strength and agility. Another tradition is preserved 
which is quite as probable, and is important, as illustrating 
the growth of two of his greatest qualities. It is said that 
while at school his reputation for truth and judgment was 
so well established, that his fellow pupils were accustomed 
to make him the arbiter of their disputes, and never failed 
to be satisfied with his decision. 

Besides performing what was required of him in the 
usual routine of study, the young Washington compiled a 
system of maxims and regulations, and arranged them under 
the head of Rules for Behaviour in Company and Conver- 
sation. His temper was ardent and his passions powerful. 
The great object of his little code was to teach himself per- 
fect self-control, which, according to the passionate Burns, 
is "wisdom's root." In the conquest of himself, Washing- 
ton perfectly succeeded, and throughout his career he 
retained the command of his propensities. 

George left school in the autumn preceding his sixteenth 



12 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

birth' day. The last two years had been devoted to the 
study of geometry, trigonometry, and surveying. During 
the last summer he was at school, he surveyed the fields and 
plantations around the school-house, and, with great skill 
and precision, entered the measurements and calculations 
in his books. He seems to have possessed a natural bent 
for the exact sciences. 

While George was at school, his eldest brother, Law- 
rence, seeing his military inclination, procured a milship- 
man's warrant for him. George prepared with a buoyant 
spirit, to enter the British navy ; but the earnest persuasion 
of his mother induced him to abandon the project and con- 
tinue at school. How much depended upon his decision in 
this matter ! He went to reside with his brother Lawrence, 
at Mount Vernon. There he became acquainted with the 
Fairfax family, from whom he obtained his first regular 
employment as a surveyor. 

The eccentric Lord Fairfax had purchased immense tracts 
of wild lands in the rich valley of the Alleghany mountains. 
These were to be measured and divided into lots. The ser- 
vice was difficult and dangerous. The country swarmed 
with Indians, with whom peace was always a disagreeable 
truce, and the hardships of a wilderness were to be endured. 
Washington, accompanied by George Fairfax, surmounted all 
obstacles, and performed the service required with skill and 
accuracy. His reputation as a surveyor was established. 
The knowledge of the wilderness and its inhabitants which 
he acquired was of great use to him in subsequent surveying 
and military expeditions. Receiving a commission as 
public surveyor, he was engaged almost uninterruptedly 
in the business of that office, during the following thre^ 
years. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13 

At the age of nineteen he entered upon the military sen 
nee. The frontiers were then threatened by the French 
and Indians, and as a precautionary measure it was resolved 
to put the militia in a condition for defence. The province 
was divided into districts, in each of which was placed an 
adjutant-general, with the rank of major, whose duty it was 
to muster, and maintain discipline among the militia. Wash- 
ington received charge of one of these districts. He new 
studied tactics, and entered upon this congenial service with 
zeal and alacrity. But the ill-health of his brother Law- 
rence, called him away to Barbadoes, and it was four months 
before he returned to Virginia. Lawrence died in Bermuda, 
of consumption. George was left executor, and his time 
and thoughts were occupied for several months with the 
complicated business devolving to his hands. Yet the dn 
ties of his office were not neglected. Governor Dinwiddie 
now divided Virginia into four grand military departments, 
and Washington, much to his gratification, received the 
command in the northern department. This was a post of 
great responsibility, and the fact that it was conferred upon 
so young a man proves that the governor had confidence in 
his talents and energy. (1752.) 

But new scenes of service more important in the eyes of 
his countrymen were about to open before Washington. 
Governor Dinwiddie received information that the French 
had left Canada, in force, and were about to erect forts on the 
Ohio, while the Indians were assuming a hostile front. He im- 
mediately resolved to send a commissioner to confer with the 
commander of the French forces, to inquire by what right he 
presumed to invade the dominions of the King of England, 
and what were his designs. Major Washington was though; 
to be best qualified for this delicate and dangerous comnns- 



14 LIVES OF THE PRESIIENT8. 

sion, and upon him the governor fixed. The major was then 
twenty-one years old. 

Having received written instructions, with credentials 
and a passport, Washington departed from Williamsburg on 
the 31st of October, 1753. He was accompanied by Indian 
and French interpreters. At Will's creek he found Mr. 
Gist, a person long accustomed to the wilderness, who was 
persuaded to join the party as a guide. Four other men 
were added as attendants. The party then penetrated into 
the forests, and soon left the civilized region far behind. 
The severity -of the season, the Alleghanies covered with 
snow, and the valleys flooded by the swelling waters, were 
obstacles only to be surmounted slowly and with great 
exertion. 

At length, the company reached the Forks of the Ohio, 
where the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers unite. Wash- 
ington perceived the military advantages of this place, and 
it was by his advice that a fortification was afterwards be- 
gun there. About twenty miles below the Fork, he held a 
conference with Half-king and other Delaware chiefs, ex- 
plained the objects of the mission, and communicated the 
wishes of the governor. After some delay, four Indians 
were procured as an escort, and the party set forward for 
the station of the French commandant. At Venango, the 
French Captain Joncaire, used various stratagems to detain 
the Indians. But Washington outwitted him. At the fort 
on French creek, fifteen miles south of Lake Erie, St. Pierre, 
the superior officer was found. Washington performed his 
mission. The answer of St. Pierre was uncomplying and 
determined. He had been ordered to take post on the Ohio, 
and he intended to do his duty. With an answer to this 
effect, Washington, after ascertaining the strength jf the post, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 15 

set out upon his return. The hardships and dangers of thi.. 
journey homeward were much greater and more trying than 
than those of the outward expedition. The fortitude of 
Washington was severely tested. During part of the trave] 
upon land, through the snow, he was accompanied by Mr. 
Gist, alcne. On several occasions, their lives were en- 
dangered by exposure and fatigue. They arrived at Wil- 
liamsburg on the 26th of January, having been absent eleven 
weeks.* 

Governor Dinwiddie now resolved to repel French en- 
croachments, by force, if necessary. Two hundred men 
were collected and placed under the command of the gallant 
young Washington, who was ordered to proceed to the Fork 
of the Ohio and there erect a fort. When the military 
force was reorganized for the exigencies of the moment. 
Colonel Fry was appointed commander-in-chief, and Wash- 
ington was second in command, with the rank of lieutenant- 
colonel. Captain Trent was sent forward with one company, 
to commence the fort at the Fork ; but Contracoeur, with a 
large force of French and Indians, came down the Alle- 
ghany and compelled the working party to capitulate. The 
French then completed the fortification and called it Fort 
Duquesne. 

As soon as news of this disaster reached Washington at 
Alexandria, he sent expresses to the different governors 
calling for reinforcements, and then set forward boldly, with 
the intention of erecting a fort on the Monongahela, at the 
mouth of Redstone creek. But he soon received information 
that the French were advancing against nim with superior, 
numbers, and he therefore hastened to a place called the 
Great Meaiows, and threw up some defences. Mr. Gist 

* Sparks. 



16 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

brought intelligence that a small party of French were within 
five miles of the Great Meadows, and Washington resolved to 
attempt their capture. He put himself at the head of forty 
men, marched all night to reach an Indian village, and then 
soncerted measures with the Delaware chief, Tanacharison. 
The French were surprised, Jumonville, the commander. 
Mid ten of his men, killed, and twenty-two made prisoners. 
Washington then returned to Great Meadows, (March 28th. 
1754.) 

Colonel Fry died, while on his way to join the little army. 
Colonel Innes was appointed to succeed him, while Washing 
ton received command of all the Virginia troops who were 
sailed to the field. Forsee^ng that the French would 
ittempt to revenge the capture of Jumonville's party, Wash- 
ington erected palisades at the encampment in the Great 
Meadows, and called the rude works Fort Necessity. 

His force numbered four hundred men. The friendly 
Delawares acted as spies and scouts. But now some diffi- 
culty occurred between Captain Mackay, who held a royal 
commission, and the Virginia Colonel. Mackay maintained 
his independent command. To put an end to the battle, 
Washington left the captain and his company at the fort, 
and marched over a rough and most arduous road to < list's 
plantation. The news arrived that the French were ad- 
vancing in great force. Mackay came to the aid of Wash- 
ington, but a council decided that a retreat was necessary. 
The whole body fell back to the Great Meadows, where 
Washington determined to make a stand. The men were 
diligently employed in strengthening the defences with all 
the means at command. 

On the morning of the 3d of July, the French approa 
within six hundred yards of the fort, and began an infTectnal 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17 

fire, which was given and returned until e ght o'clock in the 
evening, when a parley was demanded by De Villers, the 
French commander. The result was the capitulation of the 
garrison on honorable terms ; they being allowed to return 
unmolested to the English settlements, and to retain their 
arms and baggage. Washington agreed to restore the pri- 
soners of Jumonville's party, and not to build any more 
establishments beyond the mountains for the space of a year. 
The Indians, notwithstanding the terms of the capitulation, 
attacked the English soon after they commenced their re- 
treat. They were kept at bay, though they succeeded in 
pilfering the baggage. The exact number of men engaged 
in the action cannot be ascertained; but the French were 
twice as numerous, at least, as the English. Washington's 
loss was twelve killed, and forty-three wounded. The con- 
duct of the commander and his troops was highly approved 
by the governor, the council, and the public. 

In spite of Washington's agreement not to erect another 
establishment beyond the mountains, Governor Dinwiddie 
resolved that another fort should be built, and that an ex- 
pedition should be set on foot against Fort Duquesne. Wash- 
ington remonstrated, and showed that both troops and sup- 
plies were wanting, and that the season would place almost 
insurmountable difficulties in the way of such enterprize. 
The assembly refused to grant the necessary funds, until 
the year was too far advanced to attempt hostile operations. 
A new organization of the army was now made, by which 
Washington was reduced to the rank of captain, and many 
who had been his subordinates, placed above him. This 
his high spirit could not bear ; he resigned his commission 
and retired from the army. 

In March, 1755, General Braddock, with two regiments 



18 



LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS. 



of regular troops, from Great Britain, landed in Virgin La. 
It was expected that the campaign would be decisive. One 
of the general's first acts was to invite Colonel Washington 
to act as his aid, retaining his former rank. The troops 
were concentrated at Will's creek. There Braddock was 
thrown into paroxysms of ill humor by the delays of the 
province of Pennsylvania in furnishing him with the means 
of transportation. The zeal and activity of Dr. Franklin 
at length remedied the want. The forces were set in mo- 
tion. But the difficulties of the road were great, and their 
progress was slow. Washington advised the general to 
divide his army and hurry forward with one division against 
Fort Duquesne, before the garrison could be reinforced. 
This advice was adopted ; but Braddock refused the services 
of the scouts and spies, whom the colonel, accustomed to 
wilderness warfare, recommended. 

General Braddock led the advanced division of twelve 
hundred men, lightly equipped. Colonel Dunbar, with six 
hundred men remained in the rear. Sickness detained 
Washington nearly two weeks. But he at length recovered, 
and, pushing forward, he overtook the general, fifteen miles 
from Fort Duquesne, the evening before the battle of Mo- 
nongahela.* It is not within the scope of this biography to 
give a detailed account of this memorable disaster of the 
9th of July, 1755. Upon crossing the Monongahela, about 
ten miles from Fort Duquesne, Braddock fell into an ambus- 
cade of about nine hundred French and Indians, commanded 
by Captain Beaujeu and Dumas. Instead of adopting tactics 
suited to Indian warfare, the general compelled his troops 
to remain together : and they were shot down by hundreds. 
At length, Braddock fell, mortally wounded, it is said by 

* Sparks. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 10 

one of his own men, who believed the safety of the remainder 
of the army would be secured by the death of the obstinate 
commander.* Washington wa3 the only officer who remained 
unhurt, and even he had two horses shot under him, and 
received four bullets in his coat. With great coolness and 
prudence, he rallied the Virginians, and protected the retreat 
of the terror-stricken regulars. The enemy pursued but a 
Bhort distance and then retreated to collect the spoils. The 
killed and wounded on the side of the English amounted to 
seven hundred and seventy-seven men, of whom sixty-three 
were officers. The loss of the enemy was trifling. Brad- 
dock died upon the fourth day after the defeat, and was 
buried in the road. Up to that time, Washington and Dun- 
bar had preserved some degree of order in the army ; but 
,hen, the troops were seized with a panic, and discipline was 
set at defiance until the straggling companies reached Fort 
Cumberland. Here Washington remained a few days to 
regain some strength, and then, being no longer connected 
with the service, he retired to Mount Vernon. While 
the country staggered under a dreadful blow, and censure 
was heaped upon Braddock, the fame of the Virginia colonel 
was rendered brighter. From all sides came praises of his 
intrepidity, foresight, and prudence. The Rev. Samuel 
Davies only echoed the general voice, when he expressed the 
opinion that Washington was reserved for some great and 
patriotic service. 

The colonel was not allowed to rest. When the army 
was newly organized, he was appointed commander-in-chief. 
This responsible office he accepted upon the conditions that 
he should have a voice in choosing his own officers, and that 
there should be a thorough reform in the military regula 
* Perkins- -Annals of the West. 



20 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

tions. His energy and circumspection wer* now more vi 
gorously exercised. Every thing within the scope of his 
command, he took care to be perfectly acquainted with. 
His head-quarters were at Winchester. Suddenly, the In- 
dians commenced their depredations upon the frontier. 
Washington ordered out a strong force, but such was the 
insubordination of officers and men, and the defective cha 
racter of the militia organization, that but little could be 
effected for the relief of the frontier. The situation of 
Washington was trying to his sensibilities. The inhabitants 
were crying for aid, and it was not in his power to give it. 
He exerted himself to obtain a system of discipline for his 
forces, and at length, had the gratification of seeing a bill 
passed by the assembly, which gave him authority to punish 
mutiny and disobedience. It was too late in the season for 
a campaign. Washington busied himself in strengthening 
the frontier posts and collecting supplies, and soon had a 
much more efficient force at command than ever before. 

A difficulty occurring with Captain Dagworthy, who held 
a royal commission and refused obedience to any provincial 
officer, compelled the commander to appeal to General Shir- 
ley, general-in-chief of all the English forces in America. 
In February, 1756, he started for Boston, and travelled the 
whole distance, five hundred miles, on horseback. General 
Shirley received Washington politely, and accorded him 
his full demands. Dagworthy was ordered to act under the 
Virginia colonel, who now returned to mature a plan for the 
campaign. 

All ideas of offensive movements were vain. The means 
of transportation and even the artillery were wanting. The 
protection of the frontier was the most that seemed feasible 
The assembly determined to increase the army to fifteen 



GEORGE \¥ A.SHINGTON. 21 

hundred men. But while the business of recruiting was 
going on, the tomahawk and scalping-knife were drenched 
with blood. Washington was unable to relieve the distresses 
of the people. Yet he was accused of negligence and want 
of military talent. Somewhat irritated, he intimated that 
he wished to retire from his responsible station, But the 
soothing letter of influential friends, and the general ap- 
proval of the people, induced him to abandon the idea. The 
duties of the campaign were arduous, though opportunities 
of acquiring glory were presented. The incursions of the 
savages were unceasing and terrible. During the summer 
and autumn, many skirmishes occurred. Old forts were 
repaired and new ones built. Washington made the tour 
of the whole frontier, for the purpose of inspecting and sup- 
plying the garrison, and was consequently exposed to the 
attacks of the Indians. Constant trouble, concerning the 
reinforcements and supplies, which were delayed, rendered 
the commander's station any thing but agreeable. Few 
military men could have had the patience to bear the vexa- 
tions endured by Washington. On several occasions, he 
recommended offensive expeditions, which promised success, 
but was never permitted to gratify his noble ambition, in 
the prosecution of them. In the latter part of 1757, fatigue 
and exposure had so undermined his strength, that his phv- 
aician advised him to retire from the army. He went tc 
Mount Vernon, where he fell ill of a fever, and was reduced 
very low. It was four months before he was able to resume 
his command. (March 1st, 1758.) 

The accession of the energetic William Pitt to the head 
of the administration in England led to a more vigorous 
prosecution of the war in America. It was determined to 
Bet on fsot an expedition against Fort Duquesne, and Ge 



22 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

neral Forbes was appointed to take the command. Tha 
colonies furnished the supplies with alacrity, and harmony 
was again secured between the British and the provincial 
officers by placing them upon the same footing. Two regi- 
ments were raised in Virginia, Washington still holding the 
chief command. Colonel Byrd was to head the second regi- 
nisnt. General Forbes was detained at Philadelphia and 
Colonel Bouquet was ordered to take post in the central 
parts of Pennsylvania, where the provincials were to join 
him. Washington was very active in enlisting men und 
collecting supplies. In July, he led the Virginia regiments 
to Fort Cumberland. He was eager to advance against 
Fort Duquesne at an early day and by Braddock's route. 
But General Forbes resolved, in spite of Washington's for- 
cible arguments, to cut a new road. It was November, there- 
fore, before the main body of the army reached Loyal Hanna. 
Washington requested and received the command of the ad- 
vanced division of one thousand men, upon whom the chief 
labor and duty devolved. No material event, besides the 
defeat of Major Grant's reconnoitering party occurred, until 
the 25th of November, when General Forbes took possession 
of the ruins of Fort Duquesne, the French having aban- 
doned and set fire to it, the day before, and gone down the 
river in boats. The fort was repaired, and named Fort Pitt. 
A portion of the Virginians were left for a garrison, and 
the rest of the party returned. 

Washington now determined to retire from the army. 
There was no prospect of his rising much higher in the mi- 
litary line, and the province was in a great measure relieved 
from Indian depredations. In December, he resigned his 
commission. On this occasion, the officers who had served 
under him sent him an address, expressive of their high es- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. Z6 

ciraation of him as a commander, and as a man — a testimo- 
nial most gratifying to his feelings. Throughout his ser- 
vice of five years, he had displayed integrity, energy, and 
judgment, and this was now generally acknowledged. The 
events of this period of service were of a nature to give 
Washington confidence in his own resources, and he certainly 
acquired a fund of experience, which was of the greatest use 
co him in his subsequent high positions. 

The susceptibility of Washington in matters of affection 
for the female sex had been evinced on several occasions. 
He is said to have had a "flame," whom he designated as 
a " Lowland beauty," when he was only seventeen. In the 
course of the year 1758, he paid his addresses to Mrs. Martha 
Custis, widow of John Parke Custis, and distinguished alike 
for beauty, accomplishments, and wealth. He was married 
to this lady on the 6th of January, 1759. The union was 
destined to be long and felicituous. To the son and daughter 
of Mrs. Washington, the new husband acted the part of a 
faithful and affectionate father. The vast additions made 
to his estates furnished new employment for Washington's 
active mind ; and then he was elected, without effort or 
solicitation on his part, to represent Frederick county in the 
Virginia House of Burgesses — so that the public was not 
long without his services. 

Upon his first attendance at the house, Mr. Robinson 
moved that the thanks of that body be tendereu to Colonel 
Washington for the important services he had render to his 
country, and enforced his motion in a glowing speech. 
Washington arose to express his acknowledgements for the 
honor, but such was his confusion that he could not give ut- 
terance to a single syllable. The speaker came to his relief — 
•* Sit dcwn," said he, with a conciliating smile, "your mo 



24 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

desty equals your valor ; and that surpasses the power of 
any language that I possess." 

From this time until the revolution, a period of fifteen 
years, Washington was constantly a member of the House 
of Burgesses, first representing Frederick county, and then 
Fairfax, his residence of Mount Vernon being in the latter. 
He was punctual in his attendance, and though he never 
made a set speech, was remarkable for astonishing accuracy 
of judgment, and was ever influential. The great Patrick 
Henry had a lofty estimation of his ability,* and repeatedly 
spoke of him with admiration. At the same time Washing- 
ton maintained the character of a country gentleman, and 
Mount Vernon was the centre of a highly cultivated circle 
of friends. 

When the oppressive measures of the British Parliament 
excited the spirit of resistance in the people of the provinces, 
Washington was not indifferent. He was of opinion that 
the British ministry was pursuing a regular plan at the ex- 
pense of law and justice, and thought that such a plan 
should be resisted. He presided at a meeting held in Fairfax 
county, at which resolutions were adopted, expressive of the 
the sense of the inhabitants, and in denunciation of the vio- 
lations of the rights of British subjects. He was a member 
of the Williamsburg Convention, which adopted some bold 
resolutions, and appointed seven deputies, of whom he was 
one, to the general Congress, to meet in Philadelphia, on 
the 5th of September, 1774. 

An anecdote is told by Mr. Wirt, which shows in what 
estimation Washington was held by the members of the first 
Congress. Soon after Patrick Henry returned home, being 
asked, "whom he thought the greatest man in Congress. ' 

* Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



25 



he replied, " If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of 
South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator ; but if you 
speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel 
Washington is unquestionably the greatest man on that 
floor." 

On returning home, Washington, at the request of some 
of the volunteer companies, acted as field officer, and re- 
viewed and instructed them. He was elected a delegate to 
the Virginia Convention of March, 1775, in which Patrick 
Henry sounded the trumpet of the revolution, and was 
chosen to a seat in the second Congress, which met in Phi- 
ladelphia on the 10th of May, 1775. It was a great object 
of this Congress to gain a complete knowledge of the mili- 
tary resources of the colonies, and committees were ap- 
pointed for that purpose. Of all these important commit- 
tees, Washington was chairman. The first blood was shed 
at Lexington, and it became necessary to immediately or- 
ganize the army, and elect a commander-in-chief. It was 
thought by some that the latter would prove a difficult task. 
But when John Adams, of Massachusetts, suggested the 
name of Washington, general satisfaction was expressed ; 
and on the 15th of June, he was unanimously chosen to that 
responsible station. The appointment was communicated 
to him the next morning, by the President. He arose in 
his place and signified his acceptance in a reply which con- 
tained expressions of the self-distrust of modest merit. He 
declared that he would accept of no compensation beyond 
the expenses of his office. Four days afterwards he received 
his commission, and Congress unanimously resolved to 
maintain, assist, and adhere to him, with their lives and 
fortunes, in the same cause. 

A rough, undisciplined, and unprovided army had col- 



26 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

lected in the neighborhood of Boston. Washington's pre- 
sence was immediately necessary. But in spite of his haste, 
he did not arrive at Cambridge, until the 2d of July, about 
two weeks after the battle of Bunker's Hill. He was every 
where received with respect and enthusiasm. He bent the 
whole force of his mind to overcome the great difficulties 
with which he was obliged to struggle, in consequence of 
the want of ammunition, clothing, and magazines, the defi- 
ciency of arms and discipline, and the evils of short enlist- 
ments. The history of this campaign before Boston is a 
history of successive exertions to surmount almost insuper- 
able obstacles, by one who was solicitous, in the extreme, to 
perform some great and useful achievement, in order to 
prove himself worthy of his high station. 

In one of his letters to Congress, at this period, he says, 
" I cannot help acknowledging that I have many disagreeable 
sensations on account of my situation ; for to have the eyes 
of the whole continent fixed upon me, with anxious expec- 
tation of hearing of some great event, and to be restrained 
in every military operation, for want of the necessary means 
to carry it on, is not very pleasing, especially as the means 
used to conceal my weakness from the enemy, conceal it also 
from our friends, and add to their wonder." This was 
written in February, after a council of war had expressed 
an opinion, chiefly on account of the want of ammunition for 
the artillery, against the execution of a bold plan which he 
had formed of crossing the ice, and attacking General Howe, 
in Boston. He then took possession of the heights of Dor- 
chester, in the persuasion that a general action would ensue, 
as the position enabled him to annoy the ships in the harbor 
and the soldiers in the town. The British general, in conse- 
quence, was reduced to the alternative of either dislodging 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27 

the Americans or evacuating the place, and endeavored t<j 
accomplish the former ; but the troops which were embarked 
for the purpose, were scattered by a furious storm, and dis- 
abled from immediately prosecuting the enterprise. Before 
they could be again in readiness for the attack, the Ameri- 
can works were made so strong, that an attempt upon them 
was thought unadvisable ; and the evacuation could no longer 
be delayed. It took place on the 17th of March, and gave 
great joy to the United Colonies. Congress passed a vote 
of thanks to the general and his army, " for their wise and 
spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of Boston," and 
directed a medal of gold to be struck in commemoration of 
the event. As soon as the British fleet had put to sea, the 
American army proceeded, by divisions, to New York, where 
it arrived on the 14th of April. Every effort was made by 
Washington to fortify the city, before the appearance of the 
enemy. In the beginning of July, the British troops were 
landed on Staten Island, and some efforts were made by Lord 
Howe, who commanded the fleet, to open negotiations for 
the restoration of peace ; but they failed, in consequence of 
the refusal of the American commander to receive any com- 
munication not addressed to him in such a way as to ac- 
knowledge his public character. The English commander 
had directed his letters to " George Washington, Esquire," 
and then to " George Washington, &c, &c, &c," but de- 
clined an unequivocal recognition of his station. The dis- 
astrous affair of Long Island soon afterwards occurred, on 
the 27th of August, in which Washington was obliged to 
behold the carnage of his troops without being able to assist 
them. It constrained him to withdraw his forces entirely 
from the island, which he accomplished on the night of the 
28th with such secrecy, that all the troops and military 



28 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

stores, with the greater part of the provisions, and all the 
artillery, except such heavy pieces as could not be drawn 
through the roads, rendered almost impassable by rains, 
were curried over in safety. From the commencement oi 
the action, on the morning of the 27th, until the American 
forces had passed the East river, on the morning of the 29th } 
his exertions and fatigues were unremitted. Throughout 
that time, he was almost constantly on horseback, and never 
closed his eyes. The manner in which this operation was 
performed, greatly enhanced his military reputation ; and it 
may justly be ranked among those skilful manoeuvers which 
distinguish a master in the art of war. No ordinary talents, 
certainly, are requisite to withdraw, without loss, a defeated, 
dispirited, and undisciplined army from the view of an expe- 
rieoed and able enemy, and to transport them in safety across 
a large river, while watched by a numerous and vigilant fleet. 
In consequence of the operations of the British general, it 
soon became indispensable to evacuate New York. This was 
done on the 15th of September, with an inconsiderable loss 
of men. The strongest point of the position which Wash- 
ington then took, was at Kingsbridge ; but it was soon after- 
wards deemed necessary to withdraw altogether from York 
island, and the army moved towards White Plains. General 
Howe followed, and the battle of White Plains ensued, in 
which a portion of the American forces, occupying a hill on 
the right of the army, under the command of General Mc- 
Dougal, were driven from their station after an animated 
engagement. Washington then changed his position for 
another, and Howe, considering this too strong to be at- 
tempted with prudence, retired down the North river, for 
the purpose of investing Fort Washington, on York island. 
It was taken, and its garrison made prisoners of war; on 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29 

which the American general retreated into New Jersey. Hia 
situation was now gloomy in the extreme. All his efforts to 
raise the militia had been ineffectual ; and no confidence 
could be entertained of receiving reinforcements from any 
quarter. But that unyielding firmness, which constituted 
one of the most valuable and prominent traits of his cha- 
racter, enabled him to bear up against every difficulty. 

"Undismayed," says Marshall, "by the dangers which 
surrounded him, he did not, for an instant, relax his exer- 
tions, nor omit any thing which could obstruct the progress 
of the enemy, or improve his own condition. He did not 
appear to despair of the public safety, but struggled against 
adverse fortune, with the hope of yet vanquishing the diffi- 
culties which surrounded him, and constantly showed him- 
self to his harassed and enfeebled army, with a serene and 
unembarrassed countenance, betraying no fear in himself, 
and invigorating and inspiring with confidence the bosoms 
of others. To this unconquerable firmness, to this perfect 
self-possession, under the most desperate circumstances, is 
America, in a great degree, indebted for her independence.' 

In his retreat through New Jersey, Washington was fol 
lowed by the British army, flushed with victory, highly dis- 
ciplined, and perfectly equipped, whilst his own troops were 
dispirited, destitute, and daily decreasing by the expiration 
of their terms of service. In December, the British general 
made an attempt to get possession of a number of boats for 
the transportation of his forces over the Delaware ; but. 
having failed, he went into quarters. Washington, having, 
about the same time, been joined by some effective rein- 
forcements, meditated a blow on the enemy while distributed 
in their cantonments, which miqht retrieve, in a measure, 
the disastrous posture 01 American affairs, relieve Philadel- 



30 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

phia from immediate danger, and rouse the drooping spirits 
of his countrymen. He accordingly formed the plan of at- 
tacking all the British posts on the Delaware at the same 
instant ; but only that part of it succeeded which was con- 
ducted by him in person. It is unnecessary to give the 
particulars of the successes at Trenton and Princeton. Be- 
sides the immediate advantages accruing from them in sav- 
ing Philadelphia, and recovering New Jersey, the moral 
effects which they produced in reanimating the spirit of the 
people, were incalculable. Confidence in the commander-in- 
chief became universal. Immediately afterwards, congress 
declared, that, in the then state of things, the very existence 
of civil liberty depended on the right execution of military 
powers, to a vigorous direction of which, distant, numerous 
and deliberative bodies were unequal, and authorized Gene- 
ral Washington to raise sixteen additional regiments, con- 
ferring upon him, at the same time, for six months, dictato- 
rial power, for the conduct of the war. 

In the beginning of 1777, Washington caused all his sol- 
diers to be inoculated, as the small-pox had proved more 
fatal in his camp than the sword of the enemy. During this 
winter, while the two armies were in their respective quar- 
ters, he used every exertion to raise a powerful force for the 
coming campaign ; but his efforts were not attended with 
corresponding success. Not allowing himself to be dispirited, 
he endeavored to make the most of the means in his hands, 
which, however, so far from enabling him to carry into effect 
the offensive operations he had meditated, were unequal 
even to defensive war. 

In July, General Howe embarked his forces ; and, it 
having been ascertained that the destination of the fleet was 
against Philadelphia, Washington moved southward to the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 

Delaware. On the 25th of August, the British disembarked 
at the ferry of Elk river, and on the 10th of September, the 
battle of Brandywine was fought, in which the Americans 
were defeated. It opened the way to Philadelphia for the 
enemy ; and, on the twenty-sixth they entered the city, 
though not before Washington had made an effort to engage 
them again on the sixteenth, which was frustrated by a vio- 
lent rain, that rendered the fire-arms of the Americans unfit 
for use, and obliged them to retreat, without any thing more 
than a skirmish between the advanced parties. " From the 
25th of August," says Marshall, "when the British army 
landed at the head of Elk, until the 26th of September, 
when it entered Philadelphia, the campaign had been active, 
and the duties of the American general uncommonly arduous. 
The best English writers bestow high encomiums on Sir 
William Howe for his military skill and masterly movements 
during this period. At Brandywine, especially, Washing- 
ton is supposed to have been ' outgeneralled, more outge- 
neralled than in any action of the war.' If all the opera- 
tions of this trying period be examined, and the means in 
possession of both be considered, the American chief will 
appear in no respect inferior to his adversary. With an 
army decidedly inferior, not only in numbers, but in every 
military requisite, except courage, in an open country, he 
employed his enemy nearly thirty days in advancing about 
sixty miles. In this time, he fought one general action, 
and, though defeated, was able to reassemble the same un- 
disciplined, unclothed, and almost unfed, army, and the fifth 
day afterwards, again to offer battle. When the armies 
were separated by a storm, which involved him in the most 
distressing circumstances, he extricated himself from them, 
and still maintained a respectable and imposing countenance. 



: ~>2 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

The only advantage which he is supposed to have given was 
at the battle of Brandy wine ; and that was produced by the 
contrariety and uncertainty of the intelligence received. In 
a new army, where military talent has not been well tried, 
the general is peculiarly exposed to the chance of employing 
not the best instruments. In a country, too, which is covered 
with wood, precise information of the numbers composing 
different columns is to be gained with difficulty." 

After the occupation of Philadelphia, the British general 
saving divided his force, so as to give Washington a fair 
opportunity to engage him with advantage, he determined 
to avail himself of it by surprising the camp which had been 
formed at Germantown, and attacking both wings, in front 
and rear, at the same time. He made all his arrangements 
with his wonted caution and address; and, on the 4th of 
October, the enterprise was carried into effect, and, for a 
time, seemed certain of a successful issue ; but the darkness 
of the morning, produced by a fog of uncommon density, 
introducing confusion into the American troops, Washington 
was compelled to relinquish his hopes, and to direct his at- 
tention to secure the retreat of his men. This he did with- 
out loss. 

Decided approbation was expressed by Congress, both of 
the plan of this enterprise, and of the courage with which it 
was executed ; and their thanks were voted to the general 
and the army. Having taken all possible measures to cut 
off the enemy from supplies, Washington took post at White- 
marsh where an attempt to surprise him was made by Ge- 
neral Howe ; but it was disconcerted, intelligence having 
reached him of the intended stroke. He then distributed 
his soldiers in winter-quarters at Valley Forge, where their 
sufferings were excessive, in consequence of the intense 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33 

severity of the season, and their want of most of the neces- 
saries for comfort, and even for existence. Every effort 
was made by him to improve their condition, and augment 
their numbers ; for these ends, he exercised, though with 
caution, the dictatorial powers intrusted to him by Con- 
gress. His incessant labors and unyielding patriotism 
could not, however, save him from the imputations which 
want of success, even though occasioned by insuperable 
obstacles, always engenders ; and a combination was 
formed to deprive him of his command, and substitute 
in his place the victor of Saratoga, General Gates. But 
to weaken his hold upon the confidence and affection of 
the great body of the people and the army, was found 
impossible ; and even the troops who had conquered 
under Gates received the idea of the change with indi^- 
nation. The machinations of his enemies were frustrated 
without any effort on his part, and only did injury to 
themselves. They made no undue impression on his 
steady mind, nor did they change one of his measures. 
His sensibilities were for his county, and not for himself. 
In June, 1778, the British evacuated Philadelphia, whicr> 
was rendered a dangerous position for them by the part i* 
was now evident that France was about to take in the war^ 
and the naval force which had been prepared by that powei 
before she declared herself. They retreated upon New 
York, through New Jersey, followed by Washington, who, 
in opposition to the opinion of a council of general officers, 
and taking his measures on his own responsibility, brought 
them to an action on the twenty-fourth of the month, at 
Monmouth, which, though not a decided victory, was yet 
favorable to the American arms, and productive of great satis- 
faction to Congress and the country. He passed the night 
m his clout, in the midst of his soldiers, in* nnMncr to r©now 



34 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

* 
che engagement on the following morning ; but, before the 

return of day, the enemy had marched off in silence, and 
effected their retreat to New York. Marshall has given an 
extract from a letter of Lafayette to him respecting this 
battle, in which he says, " Never was General Washington 
greater in war than in this action : his presence stopped the 
retreat, his dispositions fixed the victory. His fine appear- 
ance on horseback, his calm courage, roused by the anima- 
tion produced by the vexation of the morning, (le depit de 
la matinee,) gave him the air best calculated to excite 
enthusiasm." 

fn the year of 1779, Congress had formed the plan of an 
invasion of Canada, which was deemed altogether inexpe- 
dient by Washington ; and, in consequence, he requested a 
personal interview. This was a*, "■eded to ; and, on his ar- 
rival in Philadelphia, a committee was appointed to confer 
with him on that particular subject, .and on the general 
state of the army and the country. The result of their con- 
ferences was, that the expedition against Canada was aban- 
doned ; and every arrangement recommended by the com- 
mander-in-chief received the attention to which all his opi- 
nions were entitled. From this period to the siege of York- 
town, no incident calling for particular mention occurred in 
Washington's career. He remained in the neighborhood of 
New York, watching the enemy, and taking every measure 
for the welfare of the country, without being able to perform 
an"' striking exploit. He had to contend with difficulties 
the mastering of which required higher qualities than are 
necessary to gain a brilliant victory. His soldiers could 
scarcely be kept from perishing with cold and hunger, or 
from dispersing and living on plunder. They were daily 
leaving the service: some regiments niu f: nied; others re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35 

volted and marched home; and he could obtain no compli- 
ance with his urgent requisitions for recruits. Nothing could 
be looser and more precarious than the thread by which the 
the army was kept together ; and, in any other hands than 
his, it must inevitably have been broken. But, in spite of 
every obstacle and disaster, he prevented the enemy from 
accomplishing any thing material, and adopted such prepa- 
ratory steps as might enable him to turn to advantage any 
fortunate incident which might occur. 

In 1781, he planned, in conjunction with Coum de Ro- 
chambeau, a grand enterprise against New York ; but cir- 
cumstances concurred to indu^j an alteration in his views 
and to direct them to operations in the south. He conti- 
nued, however, arrangements for the attempt on the city, in 
order to deceive Sir Henry Clinton as to his real intentions, 
which he did with considerable address. In August, he 
began his movement; and, having taken measures for the 
transportation of his army clown the Chesapeake, he pro- 
ceeded to Virginia with De Rochambeau and Chevalier 
de Chatelleux. On Sept. 14, he reached Williamsburg, 
and had an interview with Count de Grasse, the admiral 
of the French fleet, which was lying in the bay at the 
time, for the purpose of adjusting a plan of co-operation 
with regard to the investment of the British, at York- 
town, to which they had retired. The siege commenced 
on Sept. 28 ; and, on Oct. 19, after severe fighting, Lord 
Cornwallis was reduced to the necessity of surrendering 
the posts of Yorktown and Gloucester Point, with their 
garrisons, and the ships in the harbor, with their seamen, 
to- the land and naval forces of America and France. 

The capture of Cornwallis was generally considered the 
finishing stroke of the war; but it produced no disposition 



36 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

in the American commander-in-chief to relax in those exer 
tions which might yet be necessary to secure the great ob- 
ject of the contest. He hastened to Philadelphia to confer 
with Congress respecting the military establishment of the 
succeeding year. He addressed a circular to all the state 
sovereignties, pressing the importance of supplies. He pro- 
mised and made all possible exertions towaids expelling the 
British from New York and Charleston. He felt alarm, 
and proclaimed increased danger, lest the debates in the 
British parliament concerning peace should beget supine- 
ness in America. During the winter quarters, when the 
military situation of affairs in general would have allowed 
of his absence from camp, he remained there, in order to 
watch and allay the discontents of the American troops, 
who supposed themselves ill-treated by Congress and the 
States. 

After the treaty of peace was signed, those discontents, 
which he knew at least to be plausible, gave him much 
trouble and disquietude He added to his reputation by the 
manner in which he noticed and counteracted the famous 
" Newburgh Letters," and suppressed the mutiny of the Phi- 
ladelphia line. While, however, he vindicated discipline, 
and enforced subordination to the civil authorities, he deeply 
sympathized with the suffering troops, and used every lawful 
means to procure redress for their grievances. 

On the 25th cf November, 1783, peace and independence 
being achieved, the British forces evacuated New York, and 
Washington made his public entry into that city, attended 
by a splendid volunteer retinue. On the 4th of December, 
he took his solemn farewell of the principal officers of the 
American army, assembled in a hotel at New York. On the 
lOih of that month, at Annapolia, where congress was then 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 37 

in session, he resigned, in form, to that body, the commission 
which he had so long and gloriously borne, and returned to 
private life, which he so much loved. After peace was pro- 
claimed, Congress unanimously passed a resolution for the 
erection of an equestrian statue of their general, at the place 
which should be established for the seat of government. The 
legislature of Virginia also decreed to him " a statue of 
the finest marble and best workmanship," with an appropri- 
ate inscription. It was placed in the capitol of Virginia. 
Washington took great interest in the navigation of the Vir- 
ginia rivers : he exerted himself to procure joint legislative 
acts of Virginia and Maryland for the improvement of the 
Potomac. He negotiated with the latter on the part of the 
former state ; and the legislature of Maryland, anxious to 
bear some testimony to his worth, unanimously passed a bill 
authorizing the treasurer to subscribe, " for the benefit of 
General Washington," the same number of shares in each 
of the navigation companies to be formed as were to be taken 
for the state. Washington was embarrassed by this gene- 
rous and honorable proceeding. In a fine letter of acknow- 
ledgement, he declined the large donation for himself, but 
asked it for some objects of a public nature. The shares 
were then reserved for the use of a seminary of learning es- 
tablished in the vicinity of James and Potomac rivers. In 
1787, the legislature of Virginia unanimously elected him 
one of their delegates to the convention to be held at Phila- 
delphia for the revisal of the federal system. He finally 
consented to serve, making a painful sacrifice of his plans 
and expectations of uninterrupted retirement, in order to 
assist in "averting the contemptible figure which the Ame- 
rican communities were about to make in the annals of man- 
kind, wilh their separate, independent, jealous state sove 



38 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

reignties," The convention, when assembled at Philadelphia, 
unanimously chose him for their president ; and no member 
in that august body more decidedly approved the constitu- 
tion which they gave to the country. All America, as soon 
as it was adopted, looked to him as the first President under 
it, with an eye of affectionate confidence and desire which 
could not be resisted. His reluctance to quit his retreat 
was extreme. The expression of his feeling on this head, 
in his private letters, is a striking mixture of genuine diffi- 
dence, personal disappointment and elevated patriotism. 
Neither the animosity of parties, nor the preponderance of 
the enemies of the new system in some of the states, could 
deprive him of a single vote for the station of President. 
From Mount Vernon to New York, where Congress was in 
session, the journey of Washington had the character of a 
triumph. 

He took the oath of office on the 30th of April, 1789. 
In his inaugural speech, he expressed his deep sense 
of the magnitude of the trust reposed in him, and invoked 
the aid of that Almighty Being, whose supremacy he 
had always acknowledged. In conformity with the rule to 
which he had hitherto adhered, he gave notice to Congress, 
that he would accept no further compensation than would 
be necessary to defray the ordinary expences of his 
station. 

The President had scarcely entered upon the duties of 
tiis office, before he was seized with a severe malady, which 
confined him to his bed for six weeks. He had hardly re- 
gained strength to go abroad, when he heard of the death 
of his mother, at the advanced age of eighty-two. This 
affliction had been expected. Yet Washington deeply felt 
[he loss of a beloved parent. He had taken a final farewell 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 

of her just before his visit to New York to be inaugurated, 
being then convinced that she was rapidly sinking. She 
bore to the grave, the esteem and veneration of the country 
to whom she had given so noble a son. 

Congress created three departments, the heads of which 
were to form the cabinet of the President. Washington 
appointed Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State — Alexander 
Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury — and Henry Knox, 
Secretarv of War. All three were men of great talents 
and extensive acquirements. Edmund Randolph was selected 
to fill the office of Attorney General, and John Jay was 
appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Thus the 
ship of state was set afloat with the best of pilots and an 
able crew. Alexander Hamilton exercised the greatest in- 
fluence upon the administration. Its chief measures — the 
funding system, the assumption of the state debts, the bank, 
and tits tax on domestic spirits, all of which excited the 
opposition of a large party, with Jefferson at its head, ori- 
ginated from the Secretary of the Treasury. But it was 
Washington's approval and personal influence that secured 
them an adoption and a due degree of respect. The spirit 
tax was openly and violently resisted in Pennsylvania, and 
a strong military force alone, put down the opposition. Yet, 
throughout the country, the affection of the people for 
Washington remained unchanged. In firmly performing 
his official duty he had given additional reason for this 
attachment, 

Hamilton and Jefferson differed concerning every measure 
of the administration. Jefferson discharged the duties of 
his office to the entire satisfaction of the President, but hia 
support of the government was not that of a cordial will, 
Washington recommended mutual forbearance of the party 



40 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

leaders, but their political courses continued to diverge, and 
they finally became personal enemies. 

The heat of parties, and the apprehensions of statesmen 
concerning the stability of the Union, induced Washington 
to sacrifice his private inclination for the public welfare, and 
to accept a second term of office, upon which he entered 
March 4th, 1793. The Indian war, upon the north-western 
frontier, which had hitherto proved disastrous, and the low- 
ering aspect of the foreign relations of the Union, furnished 
full occupation to the administration. France had become 
a republic, and now declared war against England. A large 
portion of the America!! people deeply sympathized with 
the French, and wished the government to form an alliance 
with the new republic. But Washington considered a neu- 
tral policy as the safest ; and though he sympathized with 
men struggling for freedom, as earnestly as any, he saw with 
horror the atrocities of the monsters at the head of the 
French government, and did not deem them worthy of sup- 
port. At all events, in his eyes, neutrality was the pros- 
perous path for the Union. Genet, the French minister, 
receiving no countenance from the government, appealed to 
the people, and fitted out vessels in American ports, in dc 
fiance of the President. But the Republican party, as the 
party which leaned to a French alli-ance was called, could 
not support the minister in such extreme measures. The 
heart of the country was with Washington, and he was ena- 
bled to maintain the neutrality of the infant republic. 

Party strife was hot during the whole of the second term 
of Washington. Even his private character was assailed. 
Though the able Hamilton retired from the cabinet, his 
policy continued to be that of the President, and this the 
supporters of Jefferson continually and bitterly attacked. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41 

Ago, the love of agricultural pursuits, svwd consider?) tiona 
of what was due to republican institutions, induced Wash- 
ington to determine to surrender the chief magistracy at 
the end of the second term. In September, 17 93jjie issued 
a Farewell Address to the people of the United States, which 
has ever been considered by his countrymen a wise and pa- 
triotic paper, always reliable for their political guidance. 

He remained at the seat of government until the inaugura- 
te o 

tion of his successor, Mr. Adams, and then retired to Mount 
Vernon, and devoted himself to agriculture and the man- 
agement of his estates. 

In 1798, when, in consequence of the difficulties with 
France, the United States armed by sea and land, Wash- 
ington was once more called into public service, receiving 
the appointment of lieutenant-general of the army. He 
accepted the post upon condition that he should be al- 
lowed to choose the officers immediately under him, and. 
his judgment was at once displayed in the selection of 
Alexander Hamilton and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 
for his major-generals. Happily, the difficulties were 
settled before armies could be set in motion. But 
Washington retained his commission until his death. 

On Thursday, tne 12th of .December, 1799, he was seized 
,-vith an inflammation in the throat, which terminated his life 
on Saturday, the 14th of the same month, in the 68th yeai 
of his age. The mourning of his countrymen was that or 
children for a father, as well as that of republicans for a 
good and great captain. In Congress and throughout the 
States, lofty eulogiums were pronounced by orators and 
Btatesmen, and the badge of woe was worn by all. 

Painters and sculptors have preserved the personal ap- 
pearance of Washington. He was tall and strongly built — 



42 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

nis frame l<smg capable of enduring great fatigue. Ilia 
countenance wore a mingled expression of mildness and 
dignity. " The moulding of his limbs, his step and bearing, 
were as peculiar, and as easily recognized, as those of Na- 
poleon. His tread was measured and heavy, carrying in 
its so and dignity and command. He Avas born a monarch, 
in the highest and best sense of the term. The noble soul 
within looked out from a body as noble as itself; and no 
man who ever stood in the presence of either thought or 
felt himself a great man. It need hardly be said, that the 
idea of personal familiarity with Washington never entered 
into the thought of any of the many, of all ranks, conditions, 
and endowments, who at different times approached him. 
The awe of his presence fell alike on all men. 

" There was, indeed, a person, (whether worthy of the name 
of man is doubtful, certainly not of an American,) who once, 
for a wager, made the adventurous attempt of a familiar 
approach to him. As General Washington was walking up 
Chestnut street, in Philadelphia, having shortly before left 
his lodgings, this individual, in the view of his companions 
«>n the other side of the street, who had witnessed the bet, 
and were curious to see the issue, came up to the general, 
and slapping him familiarly on the back, exclaimed, with a 
jocose air, " Well, my old fellow, how do you find yourself 
this morning ?" Washington stopped ; turned round ; looked 
him full in the face ; and with freezing solemnity said, " Sir, 
what have I ever said, or done, which induces you to trea' 
me in this manner?" The man shrank into nothing, and 
was extinguished. 

"Another anecdote is told of his vindication of his dignity. 
When Washington had his quarters near Newburgh, he was 
frequently occupied in writing those immortal letters to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 

Congress, in Vrhich it is hard to say whether the patriot, the 
general, the statesman, or the father of the American army, 
shines the most illustriously, and which, of themselves, 
would be enough to confer immortality upon their author ; 
and he gave a general order that at such times he was not 
to be disturbed, or spoken to, unless under the most urgent 
necessity. A militia officer, of no particular rank or stand- 
ing, came, one day, into the ante-room, and asked to see 
the commander-in-chief. Colonel Trumbull, the aid-de- 
camp who was on duty, informed him that the general was 
not to be seen ; but politely requested the officer to entrust 
his business with him. The officer, never having seen 
Wasington, little knowing with whom he had to deal, and 
very proud of the opportunity of having a personal inter- 
view, treated this intimation with hauteur, and demanded to 
see General Washington himself, with whom, he said, he had 
important business. Colonel Trumbull stated the positive 
orders that had been given, and said that if he went to the 
general's private room the consequences must be upon the 
officer alone. " Oh, certainly," said he, smiling, "I'll bear 
the consequences." The aid slowly and reluctantly ap- 
proached the chamber, and gently knocked. " Who's 
there ?" thundered a de^p voice within, in those tones which 
none heard without dread. Colonel Trumbull stated the 
case, and said that though repeatedly warned of the orders, 
the officer insisted on seeing him. " Does he ?" and at the 
same time the warlike tread was heard, the door suddenly 
opened, and Washington came forth. "I thought," said 
Trumbull, when relating to me the anecdote, "I thought, 
he would have walked over him." " Well, sir, what is your 
business with me ?" The- officer, with widely altered tone 
and manner, stammered out some petty question relating to 



44 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the etiquette of camp duty in which he had differed with a 
fellow officer, and which he wished to have decided by the 
commander-in-chief. Washington had never taken his eyes 
off of him: and when he was done, replied, "Ask that 
question of your orderly Serjeant," and turned into his 
chamber. Turnbull said he never in his life saw a human 
creature so completely thunderstruck. He never appeared 
again at head-quarters. 

" Yet, it must not be understood from these instances, 
that there was the least want of courtesy in his general 
manner ; the reverse is true : he is truly and uniformly 
polite ; but it was a grave politeness, infinitely removed 
from that heartless artificial polish which is acquired by 
frivolous minds, from long converse with the world.* 

•'As a military man, he was brave enterprising and cautious. 
That malignity which has sought to strip him of all the 
higher qualities as a general, has conceded to him personal 
courage, and a firmness of resolution which neither dangers 
or difficulties could shake. But candor will allow him other 
great and valuable endowments. If his military course does 
not abound with splendid achievements, it is a series of ju- 
dicious measures, adapted to circumstances, which probablj 
saved his country. Placed, without having studied tL 
theory, or been taught in the school of experience the prac 
tice of war, at the head of an undisciplined, ill-organizeC, 
ciultitude, which was unused to the restraints and unac- 
quainted with the duties of a camp, without the aid of officers 
possessing those lights which the commander-in-chief was 
yet to acquire, it would have been a miracle, indeed, had his 
conduct been absolutely faultless. But, possessing an ener- 
getic and disti guishing mind, on which the lessons of expo 
* A. J. Stansbury 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



45 



Hence were never lost, his errors, if he committed any, were 
quickly repaired ; and those measures which the state of 
things rendered most advisable were seldom, if ever, ne- 
glected. Inferior to his adversary in the numbers, in the 
equipment, and in the discipline of his troops, it is evidence 
of real merit, that no great and decisive advantages were 
ever obtained over him, and the opportunity to strike an im- 
portant blow never passed away unused. He had been 
termed the American Fabius ; but those who compare hia 
actions with his means, Avill perceive at least as much r,f 
Marcellus as of Fabius in his character. He could not have 
been more enterprizing without endangering the cause he 
defended, nor have put more to hazard without incurring 
justly the imputation of rashness. Not relying upon those 
chances which sometimes give a favorable issue to attempts 
apparently desperate, his conduct was regulated by calcu- 
lations made upon the capacities of his army, and the real 
situation of his country. 

"No truth can be uttered with more confidence than that 
the ends of Washington were always upright, and his means 
always pure. He exhibits the rare example of a politician to 
whom wiles were absolutely unknown, and whose professions 
to foreign governments, and to his own countrymen, were al- 
ways sincere. In him was fully exemplified the real distinc- 
tion which forever exists between wisdom and cunning, and the 
importance as well as the truth of the maxim that ' lonesty ia 
the best policy." If Washington possessed ambition, that pas- 
Bion was, in his bosom, so regulated by principles, or con- 
trolled by circumstances, that it was neither vicious nor tur- 
bulent. Intrigue was never employed as the means of its 
gratification ; nor was personal aggrandizement its object. 

" The various high and important stations to which he was 



46 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



called by the public voice, were unsought by himself; and. in 
consenting to fill them, he seems rather to have yielded to a 
general conviction, that the interests of his country would be 
thereby promoted, than to his particular inclination. Nei- 
ther the extraordinary partiality of the American people, the 
extravagant praises which were bestowed upon him, nor the 
inveterate opposition and malignant calumnies which he ex- 
perienced, had any visible influence upon, his conduct. The 
cause is to be looked for in the texture of his mind. In 
him. that innate and unassuming modesty which adulation 
would have offended, which the voluntary plaudit of millions 
could not betray into indiscretion, and which never obtruded 
upon others his claims to superior consideration, was happily 
blended with a high and correct sense of personal dignity, 
and with a just consciousness of that respect which : s due to 
Btation. Without exertion, he could maintain the happy 
medium between that arrogance which wounds, and that fa- 
cility which allows the office to be degraded by the person 
who fills it. 

It is impossible to contemplate the great events which 
nave occurred in the United States, under the auspices of 
Washington, without ascribing them, in some measure, to 
him. If we ask the causes of the prosperous issue of a war. 
against the successful termination of which there were many 
probabilities : of the good which was produced, and the ill 
which was avoided, during an administration fated to contend 
with the strongest prejudices that a combination of circum- 
stances and of passions could produce ; of the constant favor 
of the great mass of his fellow citizens, and of the confidence 
which, to the last moment of his life, was reposed in him — the 
answer, so far as these causes may be found in his character, 
?rill furnish a lesson well meriting the attention of those who 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47 

are candidates for political fame. Endowed by nature with 
a sound judgment, and an accurate, discriminating mind, 
he feared not that laborious attention which made him per- 
fectly master of those subjects, in all their relations, on which 
he was to decide ; and this essential quality was guided by 
an unvarying sense of moral right, which would tolerate the 
employment only of those means that would bear the most 
rigid examination ; by a fairness of intention which neither 
sought nor required disguise ; and a purity of virtue which 
was not only untainted, but unsuspected.* 

Numerous monuments have been erected in honor of the 
Father of his country, and it is probable that the National 
Monument at the capital will be one of the wonders of 
the world. But his truest and noblest memorial will 
be the glorious empire which he founded, and the free 
institutions which he launched for its benefit. 



m 



* -r & — ^ 

■■:. 




i 1 ''' ^i^ 



JOHN ADAMS. 

Among those whose eloquence forwarded the revolution, 
and whose exertions kept alive that indomitable spirit "of 
patriotism, so necessary to bringing the war to a glorioua 
termination, John Adams deserves a high and foremost 
place. According to the testimony of his rival, Jefferson, 
he was the colossus of the Continental Congress, and the 
adoption of the Declaration of Independence was the result 
of his determination, boldness, and eloquence. To him was 
accorded the great honor of succeeding Washington in the 
Presidency of the United States. 

John Adams was born on the 19th of October, (old style) 
1735, in the town of Braintree, Massachusetts. His ances- 
tors were among the founders of the province in which ho 
was born. He received an elementary education in his na- 
tive town, and entered Harvard College, in 1751. On 
graduating, four years afterwards, he went to Worcester, to 
touch school and study law. James Putnam was his law 
preceptor ; but he was proposed for admission at the Suffolk 
county bar, in 1758, by Jeremy Gridley, the attorney-ge- 
neral of the province. Commencing the practice of his pro- 
fession in his native town, Mr. Adams soon became known 
and esteemed. In 1766, he removed to Boston, by the aJ 

49 



50 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



vice of Mr. Gridley, and having a fair field, quickly took a 
bigh rank as counsel and advocate. 

At an early age, Mr. Adams evinced a fondness for ge- 
neral politics, and while at college he speculated upon the 
probability of the colonies being the seeds of a great empire. 
His feelings were strongly and ardently American. Civil 
and religious liberty he adored, and he was among the first 
to denounce the oppressive policy which the mother country 
pursued towards the provinces. In 1764, he married Abigal 
Smith, daughter of Rev. William Smith, of Weymouth, a 
lady of strong intelligence and great personal advantages. 
In the next year, Mr. Adams published an Essay on the C&non 
and Feudal Law ; the aim of which was to show«the conspi- 
racy between church and state for the purpose of oppressing 
the people. This paper displayed as much power of mind as 
learning, and both were remarkable in so young a lawyer. 

In 1770, the confidence of his fellow citizens in his ta- 
lents was evinced by his election to a seat in the legislature 
of Massachusetts. The Boston Massacre happened the same 
year. The people were indignant and exasperated. It was 
feared that Captain Preston and other prominent persons 
would be sacrificed to appease the popular fury. John 
Adams and Josiah Quincy bol'ly volunteered to defend tho 
captain when he was put upon trial, and- secured him the 
acquittal which was his due. The patriotism of these ad- 
vocates was too well known for them to lose the .favor of the 
people by their noble action. While a member of the legis- 
lature, Mr. Adams not only opposed the -measures of Go- 
vernor Hutchinson, but wrote against the British ministry 
Tor the newspapers. In 1774, he was elected a member of 
the Massachusetts Council, but was negatived by Governor 



JOHN ADAMS. 



51 



Sewall. the attorney-general, wrote a number of essays 
in defence of the ministry, which were published during the 
years 1774-75. It was expected that they would be influ- 
ential with the people. But the patriotic leaders were pre- 
pare 1 to counteract them. Mr. Adams wrote several replica 
under the name, "Nov Anglus." These papers were cha- 
racterized by poAver of logic, and clearness and simplicity 
of style. These added to his reputation, and in 1774, he 
was appointed a delegate from Massachusetts to the Conti- 
nental Congress. In that bodv, his decided course and 
earnest eloquence procured him considerable influence. 

In the second Congress which met in May, 1775, he 
again took his scat. He advocated the boldest measures 
with great force and brilliancy. Congress contained many 
pure and lofty characters ; and to be a leader in such a 
body was not a common distinction. Where such orators 
as Henry, Rutledge, and Lee, and such statesmen as Wash- 
ington, Mason, Sherman, Franklin, and Jefferson, were to 
be found, what must he have been who was called the " co- 
lossus ?" Truly, John Adams was, in will and mind, a great 
man. It was at his suggestion, that Washington was ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief of the army of independence, 
and throughout the revolution, he was his constant friend. 

On the 7th of June, 1776, Richard Henry Lee made the 
famous motion, that the colonies be declared free and inde- 
pendent states. This gave rise to an animated discussion. 
John Adams took the lead upon the side of independence, 
and made some fervent and powerful appeals to the Con- 
gress to take the decisive step. 

The Declaration was adopted. The committee appointed 
to draw up the document consisted of Thomas Jefferson, 
Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Roger Sherman, an-] 



52 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



Robert L. Livingston. It was approved and signed by all 
the members, on the 4th of July. During the year, Mr. 
Adams was appointed upon a committee with Benjamin 
Franklin, and Edward Rutledge. to treat with Lord Howe, 
for the pacification of the colonies. As was expected, the 
committee effected nothing towards the object. The offers 
of the British government could not be accepted. 

In the latter part of 1777, Congress appointed Mr. Adams 
commissioner to the court of France, in the place of Silas 
Deane. When he arrived in France, he found that a treaty 
of amity and commerce, as well as an alliance, offensive 
and defensive, had already been consummated ; and after 
the minister plenipotentiary, Doctor Franklin, arrived, he 
returned to the United States. 

In the summer of 1779, Mr. Adams was chosen to a seat 
in the Massachusetts convention for forming a new consti- 
tution. As a member of the committee for drafting the 
fundamental charter, he formed a plan, the most important 
features of which were adopted. While he attended to the 
business of the convention, another important office was 
prepared for him. Congress resolved to send a minister 
plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace with Great Britain, 
and Mr. Adams received the appointment. In November, 
1779, he sailed for Europe. Abroad, Mr. Adams main- 
tained the character of a stern and bold republican. While 
other ambassadors and commissioners flattered the French 
court, and took all favors as great condescentions, he took 
another course. He knew that it was to the interest of 
France to divide the British empire, and he did not hesitate 
to make demands 'S well as to ask favors. His great ob- 
jects were to effect a loan in Holland, and to induce that 
country to recognise the independence of the colonies. He 



JOHN ADAMS. 53 

was successful to the full extent of his wishes. In 1782, he 
negotiated a very favorable treaty, and obtained a loan of 
eight million guilders. 

In 1781, I13 was associated with Dr. Franklin, John Jay, 
John Laurens, and Thomas Jefferson, in a commission for 
concluding treaties with various European powers. "W itb 
Franklin, Jay, and Laurens, he negotiated the definite treaty 
of peace between Great Britain and the United States, 
which was signed on the 3rd of September, 1783. Mr. 
Adams remain sd in Europe, serving his country in various 
capacities until 1788. In 1785, he was appointed minister 
to Great Britain, where he was coldly received by the go- 
vernment, and was unable to effect a commercial treaty. 
But by assisting to form advantageous treaties with Prussia 
and Morocco, and by writing elaborately and eloquently in 
defence of the forms of government established in the United 
States, he won a title to the gratitude of his countrymen. 

When permission was given Mr. Adams to return from 
Europe, congress adopted the following resolution : — " Re- 
solved, That Congress entertains a high sense of the services 
which Mr. Adams has rendered to the United States, in the 
execution of the various important trusts which they have 
from time to time, committed to him, and that the thanks 
of Congress be presented to him for the patriotism, perse- 
verance, integrity and diligence with which he has ably and 
faithfully served his country." This expression of approval 
of his labors at home and abroad must have been a deep 
gratification to the zealous patriot. 

When Washington was elected to the Preidency, Mr. 
Adams was elevated to the office of Vice President. He 
presided in the Senate with dignity and judgment, during 
the whole of Washington's administration, cordially ap< 



54 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

proved of the President's policy, and lent his personal in 
fluence to the support of the administration. The Senate, 
at the expiration of Mr. Adamss' second term of office, 
adopted a farewell address, containing the strongest ex- 
pressions of respect and attachment for him. In 1790, 
while holding tie office of Vice President, Mr. Adams added 
to the number < f his valuable political papers by the publi- 
cation of his celebrated "Discourses on Davila," a sequel 
to his "Defence of the American Constitution." 

On the retirement of Washington, Mr. Adams was elected 
to fill the Presidential chair. The contest was close and 
spirited, Thomas Jefferson being supported by the republi- 
cans, or democrats, Thomas Pinckney by a portion of the 
federal party, and Mr. Adams, by the friends of the policy 
of the last administration generally. Mr. Jefferson was 
elected Vice President. In March, 1797, the newly chosen 
President and Vice President entered upon the duties of 
their respective offices. The two houses of Congress having 
enjoined the successors of Washington to follow his great 
example, — Mr. Adams, in his inaugural address, thus spoke 
of what he knew to be his own qualifications and principles : 

" If a preference, upon principle, of a free republican 
government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a, 
diligent and impartial inquiry after truth ; if an attachment 
to the constitution of the United States, and a conscientious 
iiiination to support it, until it shall be altered by the 
judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode 
prescribed in it ; if a respectful attention to the constitutions 
of the individual states, and a constant caution and delicacy 
towards tl: c state governments; if an equal and important 
regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness, of all 
the states in the Union, without preference or regard to a 



JOHN ADAMS. 55 

northern or southern, an eastern or western position, their 
various political opinions on unessential points, or their per- 
sonal attachments ; if a love of virtuous men of all parties 
and denominations ; if a love of science and letters, and a 
wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, 
colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for 
propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion, among all 
classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on 
the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of so- 
ciety in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving 
our constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophis- 
try, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy 
of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which 
is the angel of destruction to elective governments ; if a love 
of equal laws, of justice, and of humanity in the interior 
administration ; if an inclination to improve agriculture, 
•commerce, and manufactures for necessity, convenience, and 
defence ; if a spirit of equity and humanity towards the 
aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to melio- 
rate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly 
to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them ; if an 
indexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable 
faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and 
impartiality among all the belligerent powers of Europe 
which has been adopted by this government, and so solemnlv 
sanctioned by both houses of Congress, and applauded by 
the legislatures of the states and the public opinion, until it 
shall be othenvise ordained by Congress ; if a -personal 
esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of 
seven years, chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to 
preserve the friendship which has been so much for the 
honor and interest of both nations ; if, while the con- 



56 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Bcious honor and integrity of the people of America, and the 
internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be 
preserved, an earnest endeavor to promote every just cause, 
and remove every colorable pretence of complaint ; if an in- 
tention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for 
the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of 
Dur fellow-citizens by whatever nation ; and if success cannot 
be obtained, to lay the facts before the legislature, that they 
may consider what further measures the honor and interest 
of the government and its constituents demand ; if a resolu- 
tion to do justice, as far as may depend upon me, at all times 
and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and be- 
nevolence with all the world ; if an unshaken confidence in 
the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on 
which I have so often hazarded my all, and never been de- 
ceived ; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country 
and my own duties towards it, founded on a knowledge of • 
the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the 
people, deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not 
obscured, but exalted by experience and age ; and, with 
humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a vene- 
ration for the religion of a people who profess and call tl em- 
Belves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent 
respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for 
the public service, can enable me, in any degree to comply 
with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor, that 
this sagacious injunction of the two houses shall not be with- 
out effect." 

Mr. Adams continued in office the same cabinet which 
had been left by President Washington, viz.: Timothy 1'ick- 
ei ing, Secretary of State ; Oliver Wolcott, Secretary of cha 
Treasury ; James M'Henry, Secretary of Wai ; and Charles 



JOHN ADAMS. 57 

Lee, Attorney General. The Navy Department was not 
created until 1798, when Benjamin Stoddart, of Maryland, 
was appointed Secretary of the Navy. 

The difficulties with France pressed upon the new admi- 
nistration, and the calling of a special session of Congress, 
was its first important measure. The state of affairs por- 
tended war. Mr. C. C. Pinckney, the American minister, 
had been expelled from France, and the government of that 
country had issued new orders for depredations upon Ame- 
rican commerce. There was a decided federal majority in 
both houses of Congress, and the President was, therefore, 
enabled to carry through all the measures deemed necessary 
for the national defence. Several taxes were imposed to 
meet extra expenses, however, which were very unpopular. 

President Adams neglected no means of conciliation. He 
appointed Messrs. C. C. Pinckney, Elbridge Gerry, and 
John Marshall, special envoys to the French republic, with 
ample powers. But the French government would not con- 
fer with them officially ; and Messrs. Pinckney and Mar- 
shall, satisfied that no treaty could be consummated, re- 
quested to be allowed to return. Soon after they were 
ordered to leave France. Mr. Gerry was invited to remain, 
and he did so. 

The people of the United States were indignant at the 
conduct of the French government. Money had been de- 
manded as the price of peace. But the people responded 
to the sentiment of Mr. Pinckney — " Millions for defence, 
but not a cent for tribute." Mr. Gerry was censured for 
not having withdrawn with his colleagues, though his inten- 
tions were honorable. As soon as he found there was no 
hope of effecting a treaty, he returned to the United States. 

When Congress met, measures for national defence were 



- r )S LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

adopted. In June, 1798, an act was passed, suspending 
commercial intercourse with France and her colonies. At 
this period, the administration was very popular. The de- 
mocratic part}* could not muster strongly in opposition to 
the President's measures. Still its members were active 
and determined. Although there was no declaration of war 
on the part of either country, hostilities commenced upon 
the sea, and Commodore Truxtun gained two brilliant vic- 
tories ever French vessels of superior force. War was not 
the aim of the French government. As seen as the deter- 
mined spirit of the United States displayed itself, the hos- 
tile rulers fell back, and a treaty of friendship, peace, and 
commerce was proposed. 

During the autumn of L798 Congress adopted two acts 
which became very unpopular. These were the alien and 

Sedition laws. The alien law empowered the President to 

order aliens, whom he found com piring against the govern- 
ment, to depart From its territories. The sedition law pu- 
nii lied libels upon the govermenl ami it officers. The first 

was said to he liable to an abusive interpretation, ami the 
second, to restrict the liberty of speech and of the press. 

The opposition to these laws was very strong in various 
parts of the country. 

\ the French government evinced a desire to enter into 

lie; (illations with the I ' nited States, the President appointed 

Mr. Murray, Oliver Ellsworth, and Patrick Henry, envoys. 
Mr. Henry declined the appointment. In his letter of de- 
clination, he said: "Nothing short of absolute necessity 
end 1 induce me to withhold mv feeble aid fr< in an admini- 
stration whose abilities, patriotism and virtue, deserve the 
gratitude and reverence ot' all their fellow cit i/.eiis." William 
R. Davie was appointed as a suhs! it utc. The Prcsi lent did 



JOHN ADAMS. 59 

not consult his cabinet upon this occasion. Mr. Pickering, 
Secretary of State, and Mr. M'Henry, Secretary of War, 
remonstrated against the course pursued. They, with Ha- 
milton and other leading federalists, thought the first de- 
cided offer to treat should come from France. However, 
the envoys were favorably received, and the basis of a treaty 
was soon settled. Hut the treaty itself was not entirely 
ratified until after Mr. Jefferson's accession to the Presidency. 
The democratic party had greatly gained in strength in 
consequence of the enactment <>(' the alien and sedition laws, 
and other administration measures. When the time came 
f<>r nominating candidates for the Presidency and Vice 
Presidency, the federalists brought forward the names of 
President Adams and ( S-eneral Charles < !oteswortli Pinckney 
The democrats nominated Thomas Jefferson and Colonel 
Aaron Burr. The dismissal of Messrs. Pickering and M'- 
1 lenry from the cabinet caused a division among the federal- 
ists. Genera] Hamilton wrote a letter, censuring the cha- 
racter of the President, which was calculated to increase the 
strength of the opponenets of the administration. When the 
vote iii the electoral college was ascertained, it was found 
as follows: — Fefferson, seventy-three; Burr, seventy-three; 
Adams, sixty-five; Pinckney, sixty -four ; John day, one. 
The votes for Jefferson and Burr being equal, it remained 

for the house Of representatives tO decide who should be 

President, and who Vice President. After thirty-six bal- 
lotings, Mr. Jefferson was chosen to (ill the first office, and 
Colonel Burr for the second. 

During the summer of L800, the neat of government had 
been removed from Philadelphia to the new federal city of 
Washington, and at the lately erected capitol, President 
Adams met the sixth Congress, on th«i 9,2d of November, 



00 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

1800, when he delivered his last annual speech to the national 
legislature- 
After Mr. Jefferson's inauguration, Mr. Adams retired 
to his estate, in Quincy, Massachusetts. The remainder of 
his life was passed in literary and scientific pursuits, though 
he occasionally addressed the public through political papers. 
He always maintained a friendly correspondence with Mr. 
Jefferson, and approved of the chief measures of that states- 
man's administration. He also supported Mr. Madison, 
during the war with Great Britain, beginning in 1812. In 
1816, the republican party in Massachusetts, placed his name 
at the head of their electoral ticket, a great compliment 
from the opponents of his presidential career. In 1820, he 
was solicited to act as President of the Massachusetts state 
convention for framing a constitution ; but he declined. 
The convention, however, adopted a resolution, acknowledg- 
ing the great services he had rendered to his country and 
mankind. 

The loss of his amiable and talented wife, who died in 
1818, was a deep affliction to Mr. Adams. For many years 
Bhe had shared his trials, misfortunes, and joys ; and she- 
evinced a patriotic as well as a loving spirit. But the old 
patriot lived to see his son, John Quincy Adams, elevated to 
the Presidency — truly a great qualification. He died at the 
good old age of ninety-one, on the 4th of July, 182G, tho 
fiftieth anniversary of that independence winch he had strug- 
gled to achieve. Thomas Jefferson expired on the same day. 
Mr. Adams had the soul of an apostle of a great revolu- 
tion. He was a bold, determined, and indefatigable supporter 
of what his heart and mind told him was right. lie inquired, 
decided, resolved, and acted, without the slightest fear of 
consequences, and was therefore the very spirit of indepen- 



JOHN ADAMS. 61 

dcnce. It has been said that he was careless of the views 
and feelings of others, and there is probably much truth in 
the assertion. But a feeling of self-sufficiency is generally 
the result of a knowledge of the power of ourself, and it has 
been a characteristic of most of those earnest and indomi- 
table men who have eifected important changes in the world. 
John Adams could not have fulfilled his mission, if he had 
not possessed a thorough self-reliance. 

" Mr. Adams was a finished gentleman in his manners, 
with an aristocratic bearing which, together with his known 
leaning towards sentiments of a similar cast, obtained for 
him among his political enemies the soubriquet of Duke of 
Braintree. There seemed to be testiness about him when 
contradicted, and some want of condescension towards men 
of low estate and vulgar manners. It did not amount to 
Horace's Odi ignobile vulgus, et arceo, but it had a pretty 
strong tincture of it, and exposed him to much misconception 
and misrepresentation. For the bulk of mankind, especially 
of those who from their position in society contemplate 
public characters only at a distance, and are seldom brought 
into personal contact with them, a?e very apt to form their 
impressions more from manner than any other criterion 
Manner strikes them at once, and with great effect, and if 
a man's manner to his inferiors is shy or haughty, he may 
calculate on their hatred, and if he holds an elective office, 
he will certainly lose their votes, be his public merits what 
they may."* 

Mr. Adams was of middle stature, and rather fleshy. 
His countenance beamed with intelligence and determination. 
His bearing was firm and dignified. When speaking, hia 
manner was slow and deliberate ; till he became excited, and 

* A.. J. Stansbury. 



<i2 LIVES OF TUE PRESIDENTS. 

then the words came forth with rapidity and energy, lie 
was a man of the purest morals and a practical Christian. 
No man was ever more misrepresented or misunderstood. 

In the heat of party spirit, the name of John Adams was 
coupled with that of traitor. Traitor indeed ! The man who 
applied the epithet could never have felt a tithe of that 
broad devotion to his country which made John Adams, the 
civic leader of the war of independence. His earnestness 
in the noble cause was the whole secret of his greatness. 
When will partisans learn the nobility of tolerance ? 

Mr. Webster in his eulogy, thus speaks of the iattr days 
of Mr. Adams's life. "He has lived, for five and twenty 
years, with every enjoyment that could make old age happy. 
Not inattentive to the occurrences of the times political cares 
have vet not materially, or for any long time, disturbed bis 
repose. In 1820 he acted as elector of President and Vice 
President, and in the same year we saw him, then at the 
age of eighty-five, a member of the convention of this 
commonwealth, called to revise the constitution. Forty 
years before, be had been one of those who formed that 
constitution ; and he had now the pleasure of witnessing 
that there was little which the people desired to change. 
Possessing all his faculties to the end of his long life, with 
on umbated love of reading and contemplation, in the centre 
of interesting circles of friendship and ail'ection, he was 
blessed, in his retirement, with whatever of repose and fe- 
licity, the condition of man allows, lie had, also, other 
enjoyments. He saw around him that prosperity and gene- 
ral happiness, which bad been the object of his public cares 
and labors. No man ever beheld more clearly, and for a 
longer time, the great ami beneficial effects of the services 
rendered by himself to bis country. That liberty, of which he 



JOHN ADAMS. 63 

was so able an advocate and supporter, he saw, we trust, 
firmly and securely established. The population of the 
country thickened around him faster, and extended wider, 
than his own sanguine predictions had anticipated; and the 
wealth, respectability, and power of the nation sprang up to 
a magnitude, which it is quite impossible he could have ex- 
pected to witness, in his day. He lived, also, to behold 
those principles of civil freedom, which had been developed, 
established, and practically applied in America, attract at- 
tention, command respect, and awaken imitation, in other 
regions of the globe : and well might, and well did he, ex- 
claim, ' Where will the consequences of the American Revo- 
lution end !' 

" If any thing yet remain to fill this cup of happiness, let 
it be added, that he lived to see a great and intelligent 
people bestow the highest honor in their gift, where he had 
bestowed his own kindest parental affections, and lodged his 
fondest hopes. Thus honored in life, thus happy at death 
he saw the jubilee, and he died ; and with the last prayers 
which trembled on his lips, was supplication for his country, 
'independence foi ever.' " 




w 






THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Great men generally have the warmest friends and the 
bitterest enemies. A decided preference for a certain set 
of principles and a bold and persevering pursuit of a well ■ 
known path, naturally causes this state of feeling. The 
principles may be unsound : the path may be wrong. It is 
the sincere, brave, and determined action which is the es- 
sence of greatness. The prominence which such action 
gives a man makes him the idol of those who agree with 
him, and the mark for the shaft of those who dissent. Even 
at the present day, the character and political course of 
Thomas Jefferson are subjects of violent discussion. One 
set of men regard him as one of the wisest and most virtuous 
statesmen who have ever lived, and another persists in the 
assertion that he was both insincere and wrong-headed. 
But it must be agreed that he was a great man. He wrote 
and talked greatly ; many great men looked up to him ; 
and he left a broad wake upon the ocean of American politics. 

Thomas Jefferson was born at a place cdled Shadwell, in 
Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 2d of April, (old style,) 
1743. Peter Jefferson, his father, was a man of some dis- 
tinction in the colony. He died in 1757, leaving a widow 
and eight children — Thomas being the eldest. The children 

65 



66 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

were left in good circumstances. Thomas received the 
lands which he called Monticello, on which he afterwards 
resided, when not engaged in public duties. At the age of 
five, he was sent to an elementary school ; and four years 
afterwards, he commenced the study of Latin, Greek, and 
French. In the spring of 1TG0, he entered William and 
Mary College, where he prosecuted his studies for two years. 
He there acquired the friendship of the rrofessor of mathe- 
matics, Dr. William Small, who introduced him to George 
Wythe, under whose instruction, he commenced the study 
of the law. 

In 17(54, when just twenty-one years old, Mr. Jefferson 
was admitted to the bar of the general court. At the prac- 
tice of the law he continued until the revolution closed the 
courts of justice. Several written arguments upon intricate 
law questions have been preserved, which prove that Mr. 
Jefferson would have attained the front rank in his profes- 
sion. But he possessed no talent for oratory, and never 
made a conspicuous figure in debate. 

While he was a student at law, in Williamsburg, Mr. Jef- 
ferson heard the famous speech of Patrick Henry, in the 
Virginia house of delegates, against the stamp act ; animated 
b r the spirit of that great orator, he from that time 
forth as a champion for his country. In 1769, he wag 
chosen by the people of his county to represent them in the 
legislature of the province. In that capacity, which he 
maintained up to the period of the revolution, Mr. Jefferson 
made an unsuccessful attempt to procure the emancipation 
of slaves in Virginia. Thus his first important movement 
was in behalf of human liberty. In January, 1772, he mar- 
ried Mrs. Martha Skelton, a young widow, possessed of 
considerable property. 



THOMAS JEFFETvRON. 67 

On the 12th of March, 1773, Mr. Jefferson was appointed 
a membei of the first committee of correspondence esta 
blished by the colonial legislatures, and in the next year he 
published his powerful pamphlet, called, " Summary View 
of the Rights of British America," which was republished 
in England, under the auspices of Edmund Burke. In 1770, 
Jefferson was chosen to a seat in the Continental Congress. 
In that body, though very young, he was much esteemed 
and respected. Being appointed chairman of the committee 
to prepare the Declaration of Independence, he drew up 
that famous instrument, which, with a few amendments, was 
adopted by Congress. The Declaration remains as his 
noblest monument. 

Mr. Jefferson left Congress to take a seat in. the Virginia 
legislature. While in the latter body, he acted as one of a com- 
mission for revising the laws of the commonwealth. Anion'' 
the laws proposed by him and adopted, were those prohibit- 
ing the future importation of slaves; abolishing the law of 
primogeniture; and providing for the equal partition of in- 
heritances ; for establishing religious freedom ; and for a 
system of general education. All these measures display 
the humanity and enlightenment of their author. 

The benevolence of Mr. Jefferson was exercised in 1779, 
when he alleviated the condition of the British prisoners, 
who had been captured at Saratoga and sent to Charlottes- 
ville, Virginia, to await the action of the British government. 
When the time came for their leaving Virginia, the officers 
addressed many letters of thanks to him for his kindness 
and hospitality. On the 1st of June, in the same year, Mr. 
Jefferson was elected by the legislature to succeed Patrick 
Henry, as Governor of Virginia. He held that office two 
years, and then retired to private life. Soon afterwards, he 



68 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

was nearly captured by a party of British cavalry, sent to 
Burprise the members of the assembly, at Charlottesville. 
When pursued, Mr. Jefferson escaped, on his horse, through 
the woods at Carter's Mountain. The same year, he was 
elected to the legislature. 

M. Dc Marbois, the secretary of legation from France to 
the United States, wishing to obtain a general view of the 
geography, productions, statistics, government, history, and 
laws, applied to Mr. Jefferson, who, in answer, wrote his 
famous "Notes on Virginia," which work was soon after 
published both in French and English. The veracity and 
accuracy of its matter, and the simple beauty of its style 
excited general admiration The work was written in 1781. 

In 1782, Mr. Jefferson was appointed by Congress to 
join the able American negotiators then in Europe, but in- 
telligence having been received that the preliminaries of a 
treaty of peace had been signed, his services were dispensed 
with. He was elected a delegate to Congress in 1783, and 
in the next year, he wrote notes on the establishment of a 
coinage for the United States. To him we are indebted for 
the dollar as a unit, and our present system of coins and 
decimals. 

In May, 1784, Congress joined Mr. Jefferson with Messrs. 
Adams and Franklin, as ministers plenipotentiary to nego- 
tiate treaties of commerce with foreign nations, and in the 
next year, he succeeded Dr. Franklin as minister at the 
French court. The society of Paris suited the taste of 
Mr. Jefferson. He was courted by the witty, learned, and 
Bcientific, and his sociable disposition, winning manners, 
and brilliant conversation, found full appreciation. He re- 
mair^d in Paris until the latter part of 1789, when he ob- 
tained leave of absence, and returned to the United States. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 69 

On his way to Monticello, he received from President Wash- 
ington, the offer of a seat in the cabinet, as secretary of state, 
which he accepted though he was inclined to return to 
France. 

While in the cabinet, under Washington, Mr. Jefferson 
made many able reports, and skilfully conducted the corres- 
pondence with foreign governments. But his partiality for 
France, and disapproval of the chief measures proposed by 
Hamilton, caused constant bickering and contention. A 
strong opposition to the government was formed, under the 
wing of Mr. Jefferson. Party spirit ran high, and even the 
private character of Washington was assailed by the repub- 
lican" of the period. It has been asserted that Mr. Jeffer- 
sen was much too intimate with the authors of these vitupe- 
rations, but no conclusive evidence of his countenancing any 
such disgraceful proceedings has been adduced. On the 31st 
of December, 1793, Mr. Jefferson resigned his seat in the 
cabinet, and retired to Monticello. 

In 1796, the republican party supported Mr. Jefferson for 
the Presidency ; but Mr. Adams received the highest number 
of votes. Mr. Jefferson then became Vice President. 
During the time he held this office, he composed a manual 
for the senate, which has since been the guide of Congress 
and most other political bodies in the states, for the transaction 
of business. 

In 1800, Mr. Jefferson was again nominated for the 
Presidency, This time he received a higher number of 
electoral votes than Mr. Adams. But Colonel Burr received 
the same number, and therefore the election devolved upon 
house of representatives. Upon the thirty-sixth ballot, Mr. 
Jefferson received a majority, and therefore became Presi- 
dent. Colonel Burr, of course, became Vice President. 



70 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Botli entered upon the duties of their respective offices on 
the 4th of March, 1801. 

The inaugural address of Mr. Jefferson was a lucid and 
forcible production, explaining his ideas of good government, 
and conciliating all parties. The new organization of tho 
cabinet was commenced by the appointment of James Ma- 
lison to be Secretary of State ; Henry Dearborn, Secretary 
of War ; Levi Lincoln, Attorney General. Not long after, Al- 
bert Gallatin was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, and 
Robert Smith, Secretary of the Navy. From the declarations 
contained in the inaugural address, the federalists in office 
inferred that they would be allowed to remain at their posts. 
But President Jefferson soon indicated his determination to 
reward his friends and remove his foes. This policy caused 
a considerable outcry at first, but the first result was, that 
a great many federalists, eager for office, joined the ranks 
of the republican party. 

On the 11th of May, 1801, the President wrote to Na- 
thaniel Macon, of North Carolina, a member of Congress, 
giving information in regard to some of his projects, as fol- 
lows : " Levees are to be done away with. The first com- 
munication to the next Congress will be, like all subsequent 
ones, by message, to which no answer will be expected. The 
diplomatic establishments in Europe will bereduced to three 
ministers. The army is undergoing a chaste reformation. 
The navy will be reduced to the legal establishment by the 
last of this month. Agencies in every department will be 
revised. We shall push you to the utmost in economising. 
A very early recommendation had been given to the post- 
master general, to employ no printer, foreigner, or revolu- 
tionary tory, in any of his offices. This department is still 
untouched." 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 71 

Majorities in Loth houses of the seventh. Congress enabled 
the President to carry through many measures not otherwise 
practicable. Many acts obnoxious to the majority of the 
people were repealed ; a uniform system of naturalization 
was established, reducing the necessary residence of aliens 
to five years was adopted at the suggestion of the President. 

The foreign relations of the United States were managed 

© © 

with consummate skill. Difficulties occurred with Spain con- 
cerning the southern bounda'rv. That monarchy ceded 
Louisiana to France, the government of which refused to 
allow the people of the United States to use New Orleans 
as a place of deposit. War was anticipated. The opposition 
in Congress proposed hostile measures. But the President 
resolved to pursue a pacific policy. On the 10th of Janu- 
ary, 1803, he appointed James Monroe, minister plenipo- 
tentiary to France to act with the regular minister, Mr. 
Robert F. Livington, for the purchase of Louisiana, The com- 
mission was entirely successful, Napoleon, the first consul, 
sold the important territory for fifteen millions of dollars. 
This great acquisition was a deep gratification to the friends 
of the President. Mr. Jefferson was of the opinion that an 
amendment to the constitution would be necessary to legal- 
ize the territory to the United States ; but as Congress and 
the people appeared satisfied no amendment was made. The 
repeal of the bankrupt law, an amendment to the constitu- 
tion, changing the mode of electing the President and Vice 
President, and the sending out of the north-western explor- 
ing expedition, under Lewis and Clarke, were the chief mea- 
sures consummated during the remainder of Mr. Jefferson's 
first presidential term. 

At the election in 1804, Mr. Jefferson and George Clinton 
were the candidates for th^ republican party, and Chirhj 



72 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS 

Cotesworth Pinckney and Rufus King were brought forward 
by the federalists. The result was the triumph of Messrs. 
Jefferson and Clinton, by a vote of one hundred and sixty- 
two to fourteen. 

In his second inaugural address, delivered March 4th, 
1805, Mr. Jefferson exulted in the success which had attend- 
ed his reform measures. But the gun-boat system which he 
had recommended instead of a navy, had entirely failed when 
put into practice and upon this his political foes seized to 
found their attacks upon his new administration. Difficul- 
ties with Spain, France, and Great Britain, concerning 
boundaries and depredations upon commerce, furnished them 
with more material, and for a long period, their orators 
were active and violent in assailing the policy of the govern- 
ment. In conformity with the recommendation of the Pre- 
sident, Congress passed an act prohibiting the importation 
of slaves after the 1st of January, 1808. Messrs. Monroe 
and Pinckney negotiated .a treaty with the British govern- 
ment, which they considered highly favorable to the United 
States. But the President rejected it, and even refused to 
send it to the senate. This coarse excited much clamor 
among the federalists, and alienated a few republicans ; but 
fthe sanction of the majority was given to it. The refusal 
to accept this treaty was a primary cause of the embargo 
and other restrictive measures, and tended to produce that 
bitter hostile feeling which led to the war of 1812. How- 
ever, the British government had from the time of the Revo- 
lution, pursued a policy calculated to irritate the people of 
the United States. The gross outrage upon the frigate 
Chesapeake, the continued impressment of the American 
seamen, and the seizure of American vessels, were hostile 
movements not quietly to be borne. The embargo act, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 73 

which was passed by Congress, on the 22d of December, 
1807, was the first movement of the United States towards 
lotaliation. But it weighed heavily upon the American 
commercial community, and therefore excited violent denun- 
ciation. The ranks of the federalists were much strength- 
ened. But a majority in and out of Congress, sustained 
the measures of the President. 

The election for successors to Messrs. Jefferson and 
Clinton terminated in the complete triumph of the republi- 
can party. James Madison was elected to the presidential 
chair, and George Clinton was re-elected to the vice presi- 
dency. On the 8th of November, Mr. Jefferson sent to 
both houses his last annual message. The foreign affairs 
of the country were in a critical state, and at home, the 
embargo pressed heavily upon the trading community. But 
when Mr. Jefferson resigned the reins of government, he 
was assured that his successor would carry out his doctrine 
and policy. 

After waiting to witness Mr. Madison's inauguration, 
Mr. Jefferson retired to his favorite Monticello, (March 5th, 
1809.) Here he lived a life of literary, scientific, and agri- 
cultural delight, surrounded by affectionate friends, and oc- 
casionally visited by the learned from abroad. The princi- 
pal object in whi.ch he took an interest, in his latter days, 
was the establishment of a system of education in Virginia. 
The University of Virginia was founded through his instru- 
mentality in 1818, he acted as rector from the time of its 
foundation until his death. In his old age his pecuniary 
circumstances became embarrassed. Congress purchased 
his library for thirty thousand dollars. Still he remained 
deeply in debt. In 1825, he asked the legislature for per- 
mission to dispose of Monticello by lottery to prevent its 



74 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



being sacrificed to his creditors. The requeste was granted. 
But before Mr. Jefferson could take advantage of this, death 
overtook him. After a short illness, he died on the 4th of 
July, 1826, the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of 
Independence, at the age of eighty-three years. In accord- 
ance with his own request, a granite obelisk was erected over 
his remains, bearing the inscription : 

HERE WAS BURIED, 

THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

AUTHOR OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 

OF THE STATUTES OF VIRGINIA FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM, 

AND THE FATHER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA. 

This inscription shows the pure and noble character of the 
fame which Thomas Jefferson desired. We have mentioned 
that his illustrious compatriot, John Adams, expired upon 
the same day. The partisan opinions of these great cham- 
pions of the Revolution were forgotten when their deaths 
were knelled over the land. Their mighty and glorious 
work was alone remembered, and the most eloquent vied in 
strewing flowers upon the tombs of the noble dead, while 
the people came to keep them fresh with their mourning 
tears. 

Mr. Jefferson maintained an extensive correspondence 
through life, and from it a good idea of his character ami 
opinions may be obtained. 

" With manners eminently winning, sprightly, graceful, 
gay, he had a readiness and a fund of conversational talent 
rarely equalled. There was a charm about it which was 
scarcely possible to resist. lie possessed, in an emineLt 
degree, that instinctive perception of what is proper to ho 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 75 

said, and what will please the hearer, which is embodied ir: 
the expressive word tact. As a skilful and quick-sighted 
pilot perceives, at a glance, the rock to be avoided, the 
current to be availed of, and the precise moment at which 
to change the direction of his bark, and is able, by an im- 
perceptible pressure on the helm, to evade each new danger, 
md pass unharmed through the narrowest strait, and in the 
most threatening rapids, Jefferson could, in an instant, and 
with a wonderful ease and grace, turn the course of conver- 
sation, even with the most wary and inveterate enemy, so 
as to avoid irritation, touch his weak points, and all but 
make a captive of him, against his own fixed purpose. In 
this, the most useful of talents to a politician, he was all 
French ; there was none of the straight-forward, blundering 
honesty of John Bull about him. He knew exactly what to 
say, and how to say it ; and he said it. 

" Mr. Jefferson's voice was peculiar, very pleasant, sel- 
dom raised to a loud tone, and his words came ' trippingly 
off his tongue.' His step was light and elastic, and very 
rapid for a man of his gaunt form and elongated proportions. 
He affected republican simplicity of dress, though he was 
always neat and gentlemanly. His carriage presented the 
very curious and unusual contrast of a rapid, graceful 
movement with a long, awkward, bony frame. His sh.uiuers 
were unusually square, his neck long and scrawny, the skin 
of his face adust, as if scorched, and of a brick-dust red : 
his hair foxy, and brushy at the temples. Once seen, he 
never could be forgotten. 

" He received company as if their visit was a gratification 
to him, and strangers always left him with the most grate- 
ful recollections of the man. Affecting popularity, he lost 
qo opportunity of making an impression, especially on the 



1 IJV'ES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

common people. In this he was like Jackson : and the suc- 
cess of both was iistonishing. Jefferson, it is true, was, in 
knowledge and mental cultivation, immeasurably the supe- 
rior: but the means pursued by both were the same, and it 

was the same class in society whose indomitable attach- 
ment made both so mighty at the polls. His mingli] 
much with this portion of the community, especially with 
mechanics, had. however, a double object ; it was not merely, 
though mainly, for the sake of popularity ; it was in part, 
for knowledge's sake. Few men possessed a more inquir- 
ing mind, or a greater mass of various information. And 
he sought, in all who approached him, the means of inc 
ing it. lie would talk with a sea captain about navigation, 
and would by a few words adroitly spoken, set him off upon 
his hobby and learn, meanwhile some new fact or facts 
which hail fallen under the mariner's observation in his 
voyages, lie would talk with an astronomer about astro- 
nomy, and draw from him, in a short conversation, what it 
might have taken long to dig out of books. lie was not 
profound, probably, in any department of human science, 
though he had a smattering of all. lie used often, while 
: lent, to walk down to the navy yard, early in a. sum- 
morning, and sitting him down upon an anchor or 
a spar, enter in a familiar conversation with the surprised 
and delighted ship-wrights, who would take the utmost pains 
to satisfy his inquiries. 'There!' would cry one of his 
political opponents, as he passed by and noticed the group, 
the demagogue! There's Long Tom. sinking the 
dignity of his station, to got votes, and court the mob.' 

But this was unfair; he was a philosopher investigating 
mind, gratifying its leading propensity in the acquisition of 
knowledge- A man of such a cast would naturally be cap 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 77 

fcivated jy whatever was ingenious and new. Had be been 
less ambitious, a berth in the patent office would have placed 
him in his element. You could in no way more certainly 
fix his attention than by exhibiting, and explaining, a new 
machine ; especially if connected with a scientific purpose.* 

The following anecdotes of Mr. Jefferson, are told by Mr. 
Stansbury, in his "Reminiscences of the Presidents," pub- 
lished in Arthur's Philadelphia Home Gazette. 

" I heard John Randolph (who hated Jefferson,) once de- 
scribe, in his own biting, caustic manner, the delight ex- 
pressed by him in a new model for the mould-board of 
a plough. It was called ' the mould-board of least resist- 
ance ;' and the inventor had gone into a very profound ma- 
thematical demonstration, to prove that it deserved its name. 
Jefferson listened and was convinced; and deeming it a 
great discovery, recommended it, with zeal, to all his agri- 
cultural friends. The Virginia planters, accordingly, (who 
thought every thing of their great man as a natural philo 
sopher,) agreed, many of them, to take this new ' mould- 
board of least resistance.' It was accordingly cast, and for- 
warded to their farms ; when lo ! on trial, no ordinary team 
could draw it through the soil. 

" He sometimes figured as an inventor, himself, and on 
that subject let me relate to you an anecdote which vividly 
portrays the character of his mind. You know that he had 
perched his country seat on a mountain height, commanding 
a magnificent prospect, but exposed to the sweep of wintry 
winds, and not very convenient cf access. Not far from 
Monticello, and within the bounds of his estate, was a soli 
tary and lofty hill, so situated as to be exposed to tiie blast 
of two currents of wind, coming up through valleys on dif- 
* A. J. Stansbury 



4 8 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

ferent sides of it. Mr. Jefferson thought this would he ar. 
admirable position for a wind-mill ; and having recently in 
vented a model for a saw-mill to be moved by vertical sails, 
he sent for an engineer and submitted it to bis judgment. 
The man of professional science examined bis plan, and lis- 
tened with profound attention and deference to Mr. Jeffer- 
son's explanations of it, and to bis eloquent illustration of 
the advantages it would secure : having beard him through, 
and being asked by tbc philosopher ' what he thought of it?' 
he replied with great sincerity, that it was a most ingenious 
idea, and was decidedly the best plan for a saw-mill be bad 
ever seen. Jefferson was delighted; and forthwith entered 
into a written agreement for the erection of such a mill on 
the neighboring height. The work went bravely on ; the 
inventor very frequently mounting his horse, and riding 
over t<> see bow it proceeded. When the frame was up, and 
the building approaching its completion, the engineer rode 
over to Monticello to obtain a supply of money, and to get 
some directions about the saws. Jefferson kept him to din- 
ner ; and when the cloth was removed and wine sat upon 
the table, be turned to bis guest, and with an air of much 
satisfaction, exclaimed, 

" ' And so, Mr. , you like my mill.' 

" ' I do, sir, indeed, very much ; it is certainly one of the 
grcatesl improvements in the construction of saw-mills I ever 
witnessed.' 

" ' You think the sails are so bung that it cannot fail to 
work ?' 

"' Certainly; it must work, it cannot help it.' 

"'And there's always a wind upon that bill; if it does 
not come up one valley, it Is sure to come uptha other; and 
the bill is so high and steep that there is nothing to inter- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 70 

rupt the full sweep of the wind, come which wf.y it will. 
You think then, on the whole, that the thing cannot fail of 
complete success V 

" ' I should think so, sir, but for one thing.' 

" ' Ah ! What's that V 

" ' I have been wondering in my own mind, how you are 
to get up your saw-logs.' 

" Jefferson threw up his hands and eyes : ' I never thought 
of that !' The mill was abandoned of course." 

" Jefferson's favorite exercise, was riding ; he was a judge 
of a horse, and rode a very good one. One day, during his 
presidential term, he was riding some where in the neigh- 
borhood of Washington, when there came up a cross road, 
a well-known jockey and dealer in horse-flesh, whose nam 
I have forgotten, but whom we will call Jones. He did not 
know the President, but his professional eye was caught, in 
a moment, by the noble steed he rode. Coming up with an 
impudent boldness characteristic of the man, he accosted 
the rider, and forthwith began talking; in the slang of his 
trade, about the horse, his points, his age, and his value, 
and expressed a readiness to ' swap' horses. Mr. Jefferson 
gave him brief replies, and civilly declined all offers of ex- 
change. The fellow offered boot, and pressed and increased 
his bids, as the closer he looked at the stranger's steed, the 
better he liked him. All his offers were refused with a cool- 
ness that nettled him. He became rude, but his vulgarity 
made as little impression as his money, for Jefferson had the 
most perfect command of his temper, and no man could put 
him in a passion. The jockey Avanted him to show the ani- 
mal's gait, and urged him to trot with him for a wager. At 
length, seeing that the stranger was no customer, and ut- 
terly impracticable, he raised his whip and struck Mr. Jef- 



80 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

across the flank, setting him off in a sudden 
gallop, which would have brought a less accomplished rider tc 
the ground, at the same time putting spurs to his own beast, 
hoping for a race. Jefferson kept his seat, reined in his 
restive steed, and put an equally effective rein upon his owe 
temper. The jockey wondered ; but impudently turned it 
off with a laugh, and still keeping by the side of his new 
acquaintance, commenced talking polities, ami being a 
Staunch federalist, commenced to launch out against 'Long 
T( ir.' and the policy of his administration. Jefferson took 
his part in the conversation, and urged somethings in reply. 

" Meanwhile they had ridden into the city, and were 
making their way along Pennsylvania avenue, and at length 
came opposite the gate of the presidential mansion. Jlere 
Mr. Jefferson reined up, and courteously invited the man to 
enter. The jockey raised his eye-brows, and asked — 

" * Why, do you live here ?' 

" • V.s,' was the simple reply. 

" ' Why, stranger, what the deuce might be your name?' 

■• ■ My name ia Thomas Jefferson.' 

" Even the jockey's brass turned pale — when, putting 
spure to his nag, he exclaimed — 

" ' And my name is Kichard Jones, and I'm off!' 

'•Saying which, he dashed up the avenue at double 
time, while tin' President looked after him with a 
smile, and then rode into the gate. 

" He was fond of the society of scientific men, and had 
an enlarged and just appreciation of the desirableness and 
importance of introducing as many of them as practicable 
into a country young in every thing but industry, enterprise, 
and the love of freedom. It was at his solicitation that that 
paragon of learning, and proud, eccentric genius, Hasler 



THOMAS, JEFFERSON. 81 

came to the United States. His attainments in mathemati- 
cal science, and, indeed, his wonderful acquisitions in every 
department of human knowledge, rendered him an invaluable 
acquisition to the country. To the same source, I believe, 
we owe the presence with us of the late lamented and ami- 
able Nicollet. The one laid the foundations for our admi- 
rable coast survey, while the other prosecuted in the same 
spirit of scientific exactness, an exploration of the interior 
around our great lakes, and the head waiers of the Missis- 
sippi and Missouri. Nicolet was the preceptor and the ex- 
emplar of Fremont, who has pushed a similar system cf 
enterprising investigation quite across the entire continent, 
and who seems destined, if his life shall be spared, to render 
other like services to the country and the world." 

Mr. Biddle in his eulogy on Mr. Jefferson has ventured 
to draw a comparison between that illustrious man and Na- 
poleon as follows : " In the bearings of his personal character 
Jefferson can safely be compared with the contemporary 
rulers of nations, not excepting him — the greatest of them 
all ; nor need our patriotism shrink from the singular con- 
trast between two men, chiefs for nearly an equal period of 
their respective countries, and models of their different spe- 
cies, — Napoleon, the emperor of a great nation — and Jeffer- 
Bon, the chief magistrate of a free people. 

" Of that extraordinary being it is fit to speak with the 
gentleness due to misfortune. Two centuries have scarce 
sufficed to retrieve the fame of Cromwell from that least 
expiable of crimes — his success over a feeble and profligate 
race, more fortunate in their historian than their history : 
and the memory of Napoleon must long atone equally for 
hi3 elevation and reverses. There are already those who 
disparage his genius, as if this were not to humble the na- 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

tions who stood dismayed before it. Great talents, '-aritd 
acquirements, many high qualities, enlightened views of legis- 
lation and domestic policy, it were bigotry to deny to Napo- 
leon. The very tide of his conquests over less civilized na- 
tions, deposited in receding some benefits even to the van- 
quished — and all that glory can contribute to public happi- 
ness, was profusely lavished on his country. ' But in the 
midst of this gaudy infatuation there was that which disen- 
chanted the spell — that which struck its damp chill into the 
heart of any man who, undazzled by the vulgar decorations 
of power, looked only at the blessings it might confer, and 
who weighed, instead of counting, these victories. Such are 
the delusions which military ambition sheds in turn on its 
possessor and on the world, that its triumphs begin with the 
thoughtless applause of its future victims, and end in the 
maddening intoxication of its own prosperity. We may not 
wonder then if, when those who should first have resisted 
his power were foremost in admiration and servility — when 
the whole continent of Europe was one submissive depend- 
ence on his will — when a.mong the crowds of native and 
stranger suppliants who worshipped before this idol there 
was only one manly and independent voice to rebuke his 
<\s in a tone worthy of a free people — that of the rep- 
itative of Jefferson, we may not wonder if all the bril- 
liant qualities which distinguished the youth of Napoleon 
oncentered into a spirit of intense selfishness, 
and that the whole purpose to which his splendid gcr.ius was 
perverted was the poor love of swaying the destinies of ether 
men — not to benefit, not to bless — but simply to command, 
to ci'.' -y thing, and to be every thing. It was for 

this that 1 1 the earth with his insane conquests, — 

for thl . the whole freedom of the human mind— the 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 83 

elastic vigor of the intellect — all the natural play nf tha 
human feelings — all free agency, were crushed between this 
fierce and immitigable dominion, which, degrading the human 
race into mere objects and instruments of slaughter, wou 1 ^ 
soon have left nothing to science but to contrive the means 
of mutual destruction, and nothing to letters except to flatter 
the common destroyer. Contrast this feverish restlessness 
which is called ambition — this expanded love of violence 
which makes heroes — contrast these, as they shone in the 
turbulent existence of Napoleon, with the peaceful disinte- 
rested career of Jefferson : and in all the relations of theii 
power — its nature, its employment, and its result — we may 
assign the superiority to the civil magistrate. 

" Napoleon owed his elevation to military violence — Jeffer 
son to the voluntary suffrage of his country. The one ruled 
sternly over reluctant subjects — the other was but the fore- 
most among his equals who respected in his person the image 
of their own authority. Napoleon sought to enlarge his in- 
fluence at home by enfeebling all the civil institutions, and 
abroad by invading the possessions of his neighbors — Jeffer- 
eon preferred to abridge his power by strict constructions, 
and his counsels were uniformly dissuasive against foreign 
wars. Yet the personal influe'ice of Jefferson was far more 
enviable, for he enjoyed the unlimited confidence of hia 
country — while Napoleon had no authority not conceded by 
fear ; and the extortions of force are evil substitutes for that 
most fascinating of all sway — the ascendancy over equals. 
During the undisputed possession of that power, Napoleon 
jeemed unconscious of its noblest attribute, that capacity to 
nake man freer or happier ; and no one great or lofty pur- 
pose of benefitting mankind, no generous sympathy for his 
race, ever disturbed that sepulchral selfishness, or appeased 



84 LIVES OF TIIE PRESIDENTS. 

that scjrn of humanity, which his successes almost justified. 
But the life of Jefferson was a perpetual devotion, not to 
hia own purposes, but to the pure and noble cause of public 
freedom. From the first dawning of his youth, his undi- 
vided heart was given to the establishment of free princi- 
ples — free institutions — freedom in all its varieties of un- 
trammelled thought and independent action, llis whole 
life wab consecrated to the improvement and happiness of 
his fellow men ; and his intense enthusiasm for knowledge 
and freedom was sustained to his dying hour. Their career 
was as strangely different in its close as in its character. 
The power of Napoleon was Avon by the sword — maintained 
by the sword — lost by the sword. That colossal empire 
which he had exhausted fortune in rearing broke before the 
first shock of adversity. The most magnificently gorgeous 
of all the pageants of our times — when the august ceremo- 
nies of religion blessed and crowned that soldier-emperor, 
when the allegiance of the great captains who stood by his 
side, the applauses of assembled France in the presence of 
assenting Europe, the splendid pomp of war softened by the 
smiles of beauty, and all the decorations of all the arts, 
blended their en< hantments as that imperial train swept up 
the aisles of Notre I )ame — faded into the silent cabin of that 
lone island in a distant sea. The hundred thousands of 
soldiers who obeyed his voice — the will which made the des- 
tiny of men — the name whose humblest possessor might bo 
a king — all shrunk into the feeble band who followed tho 
captivity of their master. Of nil his foreign triumphs uot 
one remained, and in his first military conquest — his own 
Country, which he had adorned with the monuments of hia 
fame, there is now no place even for the tomb of this deso- 
late exile. — But the glory of Jefferson became ever purei 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 85 

as the progress of years mellowed into veneration the love 
of his countrymen. He died in the mid-it of the free people 
whom he had lived to serve ; and his only ceremonial, wor- 
thy equally of him and of them, was the simple sublimity 
of his funeral triumph. His power he retained as long as 
he desired it, and then voluntarily restored the trust, with a 
permanent addition — derived from Napoleon himself — far 
exceeding the widest limits of the French empire — that vic- 
tory of peace which outweighs all the conquests of Napoleon, 
as one line of the declaration of independence is worth all 
his glory. 

"But he also is now gone. The genius, the various learn- 
ing, the private virtues, the public honors, which illustrated 
and endeared his name, are gathered into the tomb, leaving 
to him only the fame, and to us only the remembrance of 
them. Be that memory cherished without regret or sorrow. 
Our affection could hope nothing better for him than this 
long career of glorious and happy usefulness, closed before 
the infirmities of age had impaired its lustre ; and the grief 
that such a man is dead, may be well assauged by the proud 
consolation that such a man has lived." 

Mr. Everett, in his Eulogy on Adams and Jefferson, makes 
the following remarks upon the coincidence of their dying 
upon the Sit me day, and that day the fiftieth anniversary 
:>f the American Independence. 

" I knew these great men, not as opponents, but as friends 
to each other ; not in the keen prosecution of a political 
controversy, but in the cultivation of a friendly correspond- 
ence. As they respected and honored each other, I respect 
and honor both. Time too has removed the foundation of 
their dissensions. The principles on which they contended 
are settled, some in favor of one and some in favor of the 



°" LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

other : the great foreign interests, that lent ardor to the 
Struggle have happily lost their hold of the American people, 
and the politics of the country now turn on questions not 
agitated in their days. Meantime, I know not whether, if 
we had it in our power to choose between the recollection 
of these revered men, as they were, and what they would 
hare been without their great struggle, we could wish them 
to have been other than they were, even in this respect. 
Twenty years of friendship succeeding ten of rivalry appear 
to me a more amiable and certainly a more instructive spec- 
tacle, even than a life of unbroken concert. As a friend to 
both their respected memories, I would not willingly spare 
the attestation, which they were pleased to render to each 
other's characters. We are taught, in the valedictory lessons 
of our Washington, that 'the spirit of party is the worst 
enemy of a popular government;' shall we not rejoice that 
we are taught, in the lives of our Adams and our Jefferson, 
that the most embittered contentions, which as yet have 
divided us, furnish no ground for lasting disunion. In their 
lives did I say ? Oh, not in their lives alone, but in that 
myst< rious and lovely union which has called them together 
to the grave. 

' They strove in such great rivalry 
Of means, as noblest ends allow ; 
And blood w;is warm, and zeal was high, 
Bui soon tli'dr strife was o'er; and now 
Their hatred and their love arc lost, 
Their envy buried in the dust.' 

" The declining period of their lives presents their own 
characters, in the must delightful aspect, and furnishes the 
happiest illustration of the perfection of our political system. 
We now behold a new spectacle of moral sublimity; the 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 87 

peaceful oIA age of the retired chiefs of the republic; an 
evening of learned, useful, and honored leisure following 
upon a youth of hazard, a manhood of service, a whole life 
of alternate trial and success. We behold them indeed ac- 
tive and untiring, even to the last. At the advanced age 
of eighty-five years, our venerable fellow citizen and neigh- 
bor, is still competent to take a part in the councils for re- 
vising the state constitution, to whose original formation 
forty years before he so essentially contributed ; and Mr. 
Jefferson, at the same protracted term of life was aide to 
project and carry on to their completion, the extensive 
establishments of the University of Virginia. 

"But it is the great and closing scene, which appears, by 
higher allotment, to crown their long and exalted career, 
with a consummation almost miraculous. Having done so 
much and so happily for themselves, so much and so bene- 
ficially for their country ; at that last moment, when man 
can no more do any thing for his country or for himself, it 
pleased a kind providence to take their existence into his 
hands, and to do that for both of them, which, to the end 
of time, will cause them to be deemed, not more happy in 
the renown of their lives than in the opportunity of their 
death.* 

" I could give neither force nor interest to the account 
of these sublime and touching scenes, by any thing beyond 
the simple recital of the facts, already familiar to the public. 
The veil of eternity was first lifted up from before the eyea 
of Mr. Jefferson. For several weeks his strength had been 
gradually failing, though his mind's vigor remained unim- 
paired. As he drew nearer to the last, and no expectation 
remained that his term could be much protracted, he ex- 
* Ta.cit. J. Agricol. Vit. c. xiv 



88 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



pressed no other wish, than that lie might live to breathe 
the air of the fiftieth anniversary of independence. This he 
was graciously permitted to do. But it was evident, on the 
morning of the fourth, that Providence intended that this 
day, consecrated by his deed, should now be solemnized by 
his death. On some momentary revival of his wasting 
strength, the friends around would have soothed him with 
the hope of continuing ; but he answered their kind encou- 
ragements only by saying, he did not fear to die. Once, 
as he drew nearer to his close, he lifted up his languid head 
and murmured with a smile, 'it is the fourth of July;' 
while his repeated exclamation, on the last great day, was, 
Nunc dimittis, Domine, 'Lord, now lettest thou thy servant 
depart in peace.' lie departed in peace, a little before one 
o'clock of this memorable day; unconscious that his co-pa- 
triot, who fifty years before had shared its efforts and perils, 
was now the partner of its glory. 

"Mr. Adams's mind had also wandered hack, over the 
long line of great things, with which his life was filled, and 
found rest on the thought of independence. When the dis- 
charges of artillery proclaimed the triumphant anniversary, 
he pronounced it, 'a great and a good day.' The thrilling 
word of independence, which, fifty years before, in the ar- 
dor of his manly strength he had sounded out to the nations, 
at the head of his country's councils, was now anion"- the 
last that dwelt on his quivering lips ; and when, toward the 
hour of noon, he felt his noble heart growing cold within 
him, the last emotion which warmed it was, 'Jefferson still 
survives.' But he survives not ; he is gone: Ye are gone 
together ! 

"Take them. Great God, together to thy Best ! 

" Friends, fellow citizens, free, prosperous, happy Ame- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 89 

ricans ! The men who did so much to make you so, are no 
more. The men who gave nothing to pleasure in youth, 
nothing to repose in old age, but all to that country, whose 
beloved name filled their hearts as it does ours, with joy, 
can now do no more for us ; nor we for them. But their 
memory remains, we will cherish it: their bright example 
remains, we will strive to imitate it ; the print of their vise 
counsels and noble acts remain, we will gratefully enjoy it. 

"They have gone to the companions of their cares, of 
their dangers, and their toils. It is well with them. The 
treasures of America are now in Heaven. How long the 
list of our good, and wise, and brave, assembled there ; how 
few remain with us. There is our Washington ; and those 
who followed him in their country's confidence, are now met 
together with him, anel all that illustrious company. 

" The faithful marble may preserve their image ; the 
engraven brass may proclaim their worth ; but the humblest 
sod of independent America, with nothing but the dew- 
drops of the morning to gild it, is a prouder mausoleum 
than kings or conquerors can boast. The country is their 
monument. Its independence is their epitaph. But not to 
their country is their praise limited. The whole earth ia 
the monument of illustrious men. Wherever an agonizing 
people shall perish, in a generous convulsion, for want of a 
valiant arm and a fearless heart, they will cry, in the last 
accents of despair, Oh, for a Washington, an Adams, a Jef- 
ferson. Wherever a regenerated nation, starting up in ita 
might, shall burst the links of steel that enchain it, the 
praise of our venerated Fathers shall be the prelude to their 
triumphal song. 

" The contemporary and successive generations of men 
will disappear. In the long lapse of ages, the Tribes of 



90 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

America, like those of Greece and Rome, may puss away 
The fabric of American freedom, like all things human, 
.however firm and fair, may crumble into dust. But the 
cause in which those our Fathers shone is immortal. They 
did that, to which no age, no people of reasoning men, can 
be indifferent. Their eulog}' will be uttered in other lan- 
guages, when those we speak, like us who speak them, shall 
be all forgotten. And when the great account of humanity 
shall be closed at the throne of God, in the bright list of 
Lis children, who best adorned and served it, shall be 
found the names of our Adams and of our Jefferson." 



s : ' 



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JAMES MADISON. 

"Peace hath its victories," says Milton; aye, and its 
conquerors, too, who often win the freshest and most import- 
ant laurels. There are men who overthrow systematic 
abuses with the invisible hand of logic ; who conquer the 
hearts of a nation by a speech, and who not only throw 
down false idols without a palpable blow, but erect the true 
object of workmanship in their stead. The achievements 
of such men are more glorious than those of generals, and 
then works a v ~ uequently the most complete. The brutal 
steel may r .ay the body, but cannot persuade the heart or 
convince the understanding, without both of which, victories 
are not half-way won. He who gains possession of the heart 
and mind of another, holds two fertile fields, which may give 
birth to a thousand noble deeds. 

The majority of the Presidents of the United States have 
won their way to that lofty station by their exploits as citi- 
zens and legislators. While the people have duly rewarded 
those noble patriots who have fought and bled at the head 
of their armies and in defence of their soil, they have been 
wise enough to consider that even greater services may be 
rendered them in civil capacities. Among those civilians who 
have by legislative service won their way to that throne 

91 



D'J LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

which no revolution can threaten, James Madison holds a 
conspicuous place. To him was given the great title of the 
" Father of the Constitution," he having had the chief hand 
in framing that beneficial charter, and in procuring its adop- 
tion by the people of the States. As a political writer, a 
legislator and a statesman, posterity has given him a lofty 
meed of praise, which none have disputed to be his due. 

" James Madison w T as born on the 16th of March 1751, at 
the seat of his maternal grandmother, on the Rappahannock 
river, in King George county, Virginia. His father's home 
was at Montpelier, in Orange county, in the same state, 
where Mr. Madison himself afterwards resided. After the 
usual preparatory studies, first at a school kept by a Scot- 
tish teacher, of the name of Robertson, in King and Queen 
county, and then with a private tutor in his own family, he 
was sent, in 1769, to the college at Princeton, in New Jer- 
sey, where he took the degree of A.B. in 1772. He con- 
tinued, however, at Princeton, until the following springs 
pursuing a course of reading under the direction of Dr. 
Witherspoon, the president of the college, for whom he always 
entertained a high respect, and whose striking remarks he 
was fond of repeating. His devotion to his mental improve- 
ment, while at Princeton, was carried to such an extend, 
that, as he stated to his friend, Governor Barbour, for months 
ber lie had allowed himself only three out of the twenty- 
four hours for sleep, and that, when necessity compelled 
him to relax, he limited his hours of repose to the least 
number consistent with his health. This, in fact, had never 
been strong, and was so impaired by the excessive study just 
mentioned, as to continue feeble for a number of years 
afterwards. 

" On his return to Virginia, Mr. Madison commenced a 



JAMES MADISON. 98 

course of reading to prepare himself for the bar, but was 
soon in a great measure diverted from it by the interest 
which he took in the agitating political questions of the pe- 
riod. He particularly distinguished himself by his efforts 
iu behalf of the clergy of the Baptist persuasion, who were 
then persecuted by the established church, and occasionally 
even thrown into prison for preaching in defiance of prohi- 
bitory laws. In the spring of 1776, he was chosen a mem- 
ber of the convention which formed the first constitution of 
Virginia. He WuS, in the same year, a member of the state 
legislature, but lost his election in the following year ; partly 
too, perhaps, on account of his silence, from a diffidence in 
himself and a respect for the older and more experienced 
members of the legislature, at its previous session, — a silence 
which led many of his constituents to doubt altogether his 
capacity to speak in public. The legislature, however, 
when it met, named him a member of the executive council, 
in which office he remained until appointed a delegate to 
the Continental Congress. He took his seat in that body, in 
March, 1780, and acted a prominent part in its proceedings 
during the three years that he held it. 

Among the services which, at this period, he rendered to 
his country, we may mention that he prepared the instruc- 
tions given to Mr. Jay, then the American minister in 
Spain, in October, 1780, maintaining the right of the United 
States to the navigation of the Mississippi river ; and also 
the address to the states at the end of the war, urging 
upon them to adopt some plan, to enable the Confederacy to 
meet its pecuniary engagements to the army and its other 
creditors. 

In 1784, 1785, and 178G, he was again a member of the 
Virginia legislature ; and his efforts at this time were all 



04 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

exerted in favor of a wise and liberal policy. He drew up 
the memorial and remonstrance against the project of a com- 
pulsory support of religion, which was perhaps made with a 
view to a permanent establishment. Finding the people of 
Kentucky fixed in their determination to separate from 
Virginia, he lent his aid to enable them to accomplish their 
purpose. He opposed the introduction of paper money; 
supported the laws introduced into the code prepared by 
Jefferson, "Wythe, and Pendleton ; and was in favor of the 
recovery of the debts due to British creditors. 

In January, 1786, Mr. Madison obtained the passage of 
a resolution by the Legislature inviting the meeting at An- 
napolis, which led the way to the convention that formed the 
constitution to the United States: and he was one of the 
three commissioners appointed at the meeting. Mr. Madi- 
son was one of the five delegates who represented A r irginia 
in that convention. 

"In the convention, Mr. Madison generally coincided 
with General Washington in their views in favor of a strong 
national government. A paper in the handwriting of Ge- 
neral Washington, and found among the documents left by 
him, contains a summary of Mr. Madison's opinions on the 
subject of a form of constitution to be proposed. It is the 
substance of a letter received by Washington from Mr. 
Madison, a short time previous to the assembling of the con- 
vention at Philadelphia, and has since been published in the 
North American Review, volume xxxv., as follows:"* 

" Mr. Madison thinks an individual independence of the 
states utterly irreconcilable with their aggregate sovereignty, 
and that a consolidation of the whole into one simple repub- 
lic would be as inexpedient as it is unattainable. He there 

* Stateman's Manual. 



JAMES MADISON. 05 

fore proposes a middle ground, which may at once support 
a due supremacy of the national authority, and not exclude 
the local authorities whenever they can be subordinate^ 
useful. 

"As the ground work, he proposes that a change be made 
in the principle of representation, and thinks there would 
be no great difficulty in effecting it. 

"Next, that, in addition to the present federal powers, the 
national government should be armed with positive and com- 
plete authority in all cases which require uniformity ; such 
as regulation of trade, including the right of taxing both 
exports and imports, the fixing the terms and forms of natu- 
ralization, &c. 

" Over and above this positive power, a negative in all 
cases whatever on the legislative acts of the states, as here- 
tofore exercised by the kingly prerogative, appears to him 
absolutely necessary, and to be the least possible encroach 
ment on the state jurisdictions. Without this defensivt 
power he conceives that every positive law which can be 
given on paper, will be evaded. 

" This control over the laws would prevent the internal 
vicissitudes of state policy, and the aggressions of interested 
majorities. 

" The natural supremacy ought also to be extended, he 
thinks, to the judiciary departments ; the oaths of the judges 
should at least include a fidelity to the general as well aa 
local constitution ; and that an appeal should be to some 
national tribunal in all cases to which foreigners or inhabi- 
tants of other states may be parties. The admiralty juris- 
dictions to fall entirely within the purview of the national 
government. 

"The national supremacy in the executive departments 



96 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

is liable to some difficulty, unless the officers administering 
them could be made appointable by the supreme government. 
The militia ought entirely to be placed, in some form or 
other, under the authority which is intrusted "with the 
general protection and defence. 

" A government composed of such extensive powers should 
be well organized and balanced. 

" The legislative department might be divided into two 
branches, one of them chosen every — years, by the people 
at large, or by the legislatures ; the other to consist of fewer 
members, and to hold their {daces for a longer term, and to 
go out in such rotatation as always to leave in office a large 
majority of old members. 

" Perhaps the negative on the laws might be most conve- 
niently exercised by this branch. 

"As a further check, a council of revision, including the 
great ministerial officers, might be superadded. 

" A national executive must also be provided. He has 
scarcely ventured as yet to form his own opinion, either of 
the manner in which it ought to be constituted, or of the 
authorities with which it ought to be clothed. 

" An article should be inserted, especially guaranteeing 
the tranquillity of the states against internal as well as 
external dangers. 

" In like manner, the right of coercion should be expressly 
declared. With the resources of commerce in hand, the na- 
tional administration might always find means of exerting it 
either by sea or land ; but the difficulty and awkwardness 
of operating by force on the collective will of a state, render 
it particularly desirable the necessity of it might be pre- 
cluded. Perhaps the negative on the laws might create 
such a mutual dependence between the'general and particular 



JAMES MADISON. 97 

authorities as to answer ; or perhaps some defined objects 
of taxation might be submitted along with commerce, to the 
general authority. 

" To give a new system its proper validity and energy, a 
ratification must be obtained from the people, and not merely 
from the ordinary authority of the legislature. This will 
be more essential, as inroads on the existing constitutions 
of the states will be unavoidable." 

Mr. Madison has entitled himself to the gratitude of pos- 
terity by the record which he daily made of the proceedings 
of its members, the only one extant which is either complete 
or authentic. It was purchased by Congress, after his death, 
for the sum of thirty thousand dollars, and has since been 
published. 

After the, constitution was formed, he united with Mr. 
Hamilton and Mr. Jay, in the the publication, in the news- 
papers, of the well-known series of essays, in defence of its 
provisions, under the title of "The Federalist," which at- 
tracted in an extraordinary degree the public attention, and 
by the ability and force of argument with which they were 
written, contributed materially to augment the number of 
its advocates. And when the Federal Constitution was 
submitted to the several states for their adoption, he was 
mainly instrumental, in the convention of Virginia, in pro- 
curing a decision by that body in its favor, in despite of the 
zealous and eloquent opposition of Patrick Henry. 

From 1780, when the new constitution went into opera- 
tion, down to the year of 1797, Mr. Madison occupied a 
seat in Congress, where he resisted the financial measures 
proposed by Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, and 
and the policy generally of Washington's adnmistration. 
His opposition, was, however, conducted in such a spirit as 



98 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

t;o have apparently for a long time no influence on the 
friendship which subsisted between the President and him- 
self; and it never produced positive alienation. 

In 1798, though not a member of the Virginia legislature, 
he prepared the celebrated resolutions which were adopted 
by that body denouncing the acts of Congress for removing 
dangerous and suspicious aliens, and for punishing libels on 
the government, commonly known by the name of the Alien 
and Sedition Laws, as infractions of the Constitution, and 
inviting the concurrence of the other states. He was elected 
to the legislature in the following year, when he was the 
author of a new set of resolutions of similar import with the 
former, and accompanied them by a report in their vindica- 
tion, which contributed powerfully to the triumph that 
speedily ensued of the democratic over the federal party. 

When Mr. Jefferson became President of the United 
States, in 1801, he selected Mr. Madison to be his Secre- 
tary of State, a position which the latter continued to occupy 
so long as Mr. Jefferson remained in office. In 1809, Mr. 
Madison succeeded Mr. Jefferson in the presidential chair, 
having obtained one hundred and twenty-two votes out of 
one hundred and seventy-six. 

In. his inaugural address, he frankly stated the gloomy 
circumstances under which he entered upon his high office. 
But expressed confidence in the strength and resources of 
the United States, and in the goodness and power of the 
Deity. War with Great Britain was anticipated. The in- 
sults and injuries which that haughty power had given to 
f!ie United States could not be much longer borne, con- 
sistently with honor. Still a large portion of the people 
were anxious for the preservation of peace. And the new 
President found himself in a trying position. In his iuau- 



JAMES MADISON. [ ;) 

gural address, he thus indicates his sentiments and inten 
tions. "To cherish peace and friendly intercourse v,ith all 
nations having corresponding dispositions ; to maintain sin- 
cere neutrality towards belligerent nations ; to prefer in all 
cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of 
differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms ; to 
exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrad- 
ing to all countries, and so baneful to free ones; to foster a 
spint of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, 
too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge un- 
worthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look 
down upon them in others ; to hold the union of the states 
as the basis of their peace and happiness ; to support the 
constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in 
its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights 
and authorities reserved to the states and the people, as 
equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of 
the general system ; to avoid the slightest interference with 
the rights of conscienr-e or the functions of religion, so 
wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction ; to preserve in their 
full energy, the other salutary provisions in behalf of pri- 
vate and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press ; 
to observe economy in public expenditures ; to liberate the 
public resources by an honorable discharge of the public 
debts ; to keep within the requisite limits a standing mili- 
tary force, always remembering that an armed and trained 
militia is the firmest bulwark of republics — that without 
standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor 
with large ones safe; to promote, by authorized means, im- 
provements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to 
external as well as internal commerce ; to favor, in like 
manner, the advancement of science and the d'ffusion of in- 






100 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

formation as the best aliment of true liberty ; to carry on 
the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously ap- 
plied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the 
degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participa- 
tion of the improvements of which the human mind and 
manixrs are susceptible in a civilized state; as far as sen- 
timents and intentions such as these can aid the fulfilment 
of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me." 

Mr. Madison selected for his cabinet, Robert Smith, of 
Maryland, as Secretary of State ; William Eustis, of Massa- 
chusetts, as Secretary of War ; Paul Hamilton, of South 
Carolina, as Secretary of the Navy. Mr. Gallatin, as Sec- 
retary of the Treasury ; and Mr. Cesar A. Rodney, Attor- 
ney General, under Mr. Jefferson, were continued in their 
offices. The republicans had a majority in Congress to sup- 
port the President. 

Efforts were made to settle all differences between the 
United States and Great Britain in a just and friendly 
manner. But through pride or misunderstanding, they 
proved abortive. The non-intercourse, affecting both France 
and Great Britain, was continued by a new and more 
stringent act, passed in May, 1810. The British govern- 
ment continued its "orders in council," and Napoleon de- 
clared the obnoxious Berlin and Milan decrees, "the fun- 
damental laws of his empire." The trade and revenue of 
the United States were greatly diminished in consequence 
of these hostile measures. 

In the twelfth Congress, which held its first session in 
1810-11, the supporters of the administration were in the 
majority. Messrs. Clay, Calhoun, Crawford, Lowndes, 
Choves, and other active and eloquent statesmen were 
found in the republican ranks. Under the influence of 



JAMES MADISON. 101 

these ardent men, the policy of the administration was 
changed. Measures were adopted for organizing the army 
and navy, and war was contemplated as a very probable re- 
sult of the difficulties then existing. President Madison 
was not. earnestly desirous for the decisive measures ; but 
he was persuaded to acquiesce by the more ardent portion 
of his friends. Mr. Clay, particularly, was of the opinion 
that the country should be prepared for war, and his influence 
among the republicans was extensive. 

When war was resolved upon by the republican parly, 
President Madison's cabinet consisted of the following per- 
sons : James Monroe, Secretary of State ; Albert Gallatin, 
Secretary of the Treasury ; William Eustis, Secretary of 
War ; Paul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy ; and William 
Pinckney, Attorney General. Messrs. Smith and Rodney 
had resigned their posts in 1811. Of this cabinet, Mr. 
Monroe, alone, possessed any amount of military knowledge. 
The President knew nothing of the art of war. Under 
such auspices, how could the country be prepared to con- 
tend with the giant power of Great Britain. 

The declaration of war against Great Britain, was passed 
by Congress, in June, 1812. The federalists generally op- 
posed it, and in the Eastern States, particularly, the mea- 
sure excited a spirit of disaffection to the Union, which, 
if it had been properly treated by the British government, 
might have proved fatal. But the republicans rallied strongly 
to the support of the President, and several of the old fede- 
ralist leaders signified their approval of his course. The 
message of the President to Congress upon the subject of 
the declaration of war, is an admirably written justification 
of the country and himself. It ran as follows : 

" Without going back beyond the renewal in 1803, of the 



102 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

war in which Great Britain is engaged, and omitting unre- 
paired wrongs of inferior magnitude, the conduct of the go- 
vernment presents a series of acts hostile to the United States 
as an independent and neutral nation. 

" British cruisers have been in the continued practice of 
violating the American flag on the great highway of nations, 
and of seizing and carrying off" persons sailing under it ; not 
in the exercise of a belligerent right founded on the law of 
nations against an enemy, but of a municipal prerogative over 
British subjects. British jurisdiction is thus extended to 
neutral vessels in. a situation where no laws can operate but 
the law of nations and the laws of the country to which the 
vessels belong ; and a self-redress is assumed, which, if Bri- 
tish subjects were wrongfully detained and alone concerned, is 
that substitution of force, for a resort to the responsible 
sovereign, which falls within the definition of war. Could 
the seizure of British subjects, in such cases, be regarded as 
within the exercise of a belligerent right, the acknowledged 
laws of war, which forbid an article of captured property to 
be adjudged without a regular investigation before a compe- 
tent tribunal, would imperiously demand the fairest trial 
where the sacred rights of persons were at an issue. In place 
of such a trial, these rights are subjected to the will of every 
petty commander. 

" The practice, hence, is so far from affecting British 
subjects alone, that, under the pretext of searching for these, 
thousands of American citizens, under the safeguard of pub- 
lic law, and of their national flag, have been torn from their 
country, and from every thing dear to them ; have been 
dragged on board ships of war of a foreign nation, and ex- 
posed under the severities of their discipline, to be exiled to 
the most distant and deadly climes, to risk thei: - lives in the 



JAMES MADISON. 1 Go 

battles of their oppressors, and to be the melancholy instru- 
ments of taking away those of their own brethren. 

" Against this crying enormity, which Great Britain would 
be so prompt to avenge if committed against herself the Uni- 
ted States have in vain exhausted remonstrances and expos- 
tulations. And that no proof might be wanting of their con- 
ciliatory disposition, and no pretext left for a continuance 
of the practice, the British government was formally assured 
of the readiness of the United States to enter into arrange- 
ments, such as could not be rejected, if the recovery of Bri- 
tish subjects were the real and the sole object. The commu- 
nication passed without effect. 

" British cruisers have also been in the practice of violat- 
ing the rights and the peace of our coasts. They hover over 
and harass our entering and departing commerce. To the 
most insulting pretensions they have added the most lawless 
proceedings in our very harbors ; and have wantonly spilt 
American blood, within the sanctuary of our territorial juris 
diction. The principles and rules enforced by that nation, 
when a neutral nation, against armed vessels of belligerents 
hovering near her coasts, and disturbing her commerce, are 
well known. "When called on, nevertheless, by the United 
States to punish the greater offences committed by her own 
vessels, her government has bestowed on their commanders 
additional marks of honor and confidence. 

" Under pretended blockades, without the presence of an 
adequate force, and sometimes without the practicability ot 
applying one, our commerce has been plundered in every 
sea ; the great staples of our country have been cut off from 
their legitimate markets ; and a destructive blow aimed at 
our agricultural and maritime interests. In aggravation of 
these predatory measures, they have been o nsidered as id 



104 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

force from the dates of their notification ; a retrospective 
effect being thus added, as has been done in other important 
cases, to the unlawfulness of the course pursued. And to 
render the outrage the more signal, these mock blockades 
have been reiterated and enforced in the face of official com- 
munications from the British government, declaring, as the 
true definition of a legal blockade, 'that particular ports 
must be actually invested, and previous warning given to 
vessels bound to them, not to enter.' 

" Not content with these occasional expedients for laying 
waste our neutral trade, the cabinet of Great Britain resorted, 
at length, to the sweeping system of blockades, under the 
name of orders in council, which has been moulded and ma- 
naged, as might best suit its political views, its commercial 
jealousies, or the avidity of British cruisers. 

" To our remonstrances against the complicated and trans- 
cendent injustice of this innovation, the first reply was, that 
the orders were reluctantly adopted by Great Britain as a 
necessary retaliation on the decrees of her enemy, proclaim- 
ing a general blockade of the British isles, at a time when 
the naval force of that enemy dared not issue from his own 
ports. She was reminded, without effect, that her own 
blockades, unsupported by an adequate naval force actually 
applied and continued, were a bar to this plea ; that executed 
edicts against millions of our property could not be retalia- 
tion on edicts, confessedly impossible to be executed; and 
that retaliation, to be just, should fall on the party setting 
the guilty example, not on an innocent party, which was not 
even chargeable with an acquiescence in it. 

"When deprived of this flimsy veil for a prohibition ol 
our trade with her enemy, by the repeal of his prohibition ot 
■>ur trade with Great Britain, her cabinet, intead of a comes 



JAMES MADISON. 105 

ponding repeal, or a practical discontinuance of its orders, 
formally avowed a determination to persist in them against 
the United States, until the markets of her enemy should be 
laid open to British products ; thus asserting an obligation 
on a neutral power, to require one belligerent to encourage, 
by its internal regulations, the trade of another belligerent : 
contradicting her own practice towards all nations, in peace 
as well as in war ; and betraying the insincerity of those 
professions which inculcated a belief, that, having resorted 
to her orders with regret, she was anxious to find an occasion 
for putting an end to them. 

"Abandoning still more all respect for the neutral rights 
of the United States, and for its own inconsistency, the Bri- 
tish government now demands, as pre-requisite to a repeal 
of its orders, as they relate to the United States, that a for- 
mality should be observed in the repeal of the French de- 
crees, nowise necessary to their termination, nor exempli- 
fied by British usage; and that the French repeal, besides 
including that portion of the decrees which operate within a 
territorial jurisdiction, as well as that which operates on the 
high seas against the commerce of the United States, should 
not be a single special repeal, in relation to the United 
States; but should be extended to whatever other neutral 
nations unconnected with them, may be affected by those 
decrees. And as an additional insult, they are called on 
for a formal disavowal of conditions and pretentions ad- 
vanced by the French government, for which the United 
States are so far from having made themselves responsible, 
that, in official explanations, which have been published to the 
world, and in a correspondence of the American minister at 
London, with the British minister for foreign affairs, such a 
responsibility was explicitly and empatically disclaimed. 



100 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

"It has become, indeed, sufficiently certain, that the com- 
merce of the United States is to be sacrificed, not as inter- 
fering with the belligerent right of Great Britain, not as 
supplying the wants of her enemies, which she herself sup- 
plies, but as interfering with the monopoly which she covets 
for her own commerce and navigation. She carries on a 
war against the lawful commerce of a friend, that she may 
tlte better carry on a commerce polluted by the forgeries 
and perjuries which are, for the most part, the only pass- 
ports, by which it can succeed. 

" Anxious to make every experiment short cf the last re- 
sort of injured nations, the United States have withheld from 
Great Britain, under successive modifications, the benefits 
of a free intercourse with their market, the loss of which 
could not but outweigh the profits accruing from her restric- 
tions of our commerce with other nations. And to entitle 
these experiments to the more favorable consideration, they 
were so framed as to enable her to place her adversary under 
the exclusive operation of them. To these appeals her go- 
vernment has been equally inflexible, as if to make sacrifices 
of every sort, rather than yield to the claims of justice, or 
renounce the errors of a false pride. Nay, so far were the 
attempts carried, to overcome the attachment of the British 
cabinet to its unjust edicts, that it received every encourage- 
ment within the competency of the executive branch of our 
government, to expect, that a repeal of them would be fol- 
lowed by a war between the United States and France, unless 
the French edicts should also be repealed. Even this com- 
munication, although silencing for ever the plea of a dispo- 
sition in the United States to acquiesce in those edicts, 
originally the sole plea for them, received no attention. 

" If no other proof existed of a predetermination of the 



JAMES MADISON. 107 

British government against a repeal of its orders, it migh.' 
be found in the correspondence of the minister plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States at London, and the British sec- 
retary for foreign affairs, in 1810, on the question whether 
the blockade of May, 180G, was considered as in force cr as 
not in force. It has been ascertained that the French go- 
vernment, which urged this blockade as the ground of its 
Berlin decree, was willing, in the event of its removal, to 
repeal that decree; which, being followed by alternate re- 
peals of the other offensive edicts, might abolish the whole 
system on both sides. This inviting opportunity for accom- 
plishing an object so important to the United States, and 
professed so often to be the desire of both the belligerents, 
was made known to the British government. As that go- 
vernment admits, that an actual application of an adequate 
force is necessary to the existence of a legal blockade ; and 
it was notorious, that if such a force had ever been applied, 
its long discontinuance had annulled the blockade in question 
there could be no sufficient objection on the part of Great 
Britain, to a formal revocation of it ; and no imaginable ob- 
jection, to a declaration of the fact, that the blockade did 
not exist. The declaration would have been consistent with 
her avowed principles of blockade, and would have enabled 
the United States to demand from France, the pledged repeal 
of her decrees; either with success, in which case the way 
would have been opened for a general repeal of the bel- 
ligerent edicts ; or without success, in which case the United 
States would have been justified in turning their measures 
exclusively against France. The British government would, 
however, neither rescind the blockade, nor declare its non- 
existence ; nor permit its non-existence to be inferred and 
affirmed by the American plenipotentiary. On the contrary, 



108 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

by repiesenting the blockade to be comprehended in the 
orders in council, the United States were compelled bo to 
regard it in their subsequent proceedings. 

" There was a period when a favorable change in the po- 
licy of the British cabinet, was justly considered as esta- 
blished. The minister plenipotentiary of his Britanic ma- 
jesty here proposed an adjustment of the differences more 
immediately endangering the harmony of the two countries. 
The proposition was accepted with a promptitude and cor- 
diality corresponding with the invariable professions of this 
government. A foundation appeared to be laid for a sincere 
and lasting reconciliation. The prospect, however, quickly 
vanquished ; the whole proceeding was disavowed by the 
British government, without any explanations, which could 
at that time repress the belief, that the disavowal proceeded 
from a spirit of hostility to the commercial rights and pros- 
perity of the United States. And it has since come into 
proof, that at the very moment, when the public minister 
was holding the language of friendship and inspiring confi- 
dence in the sincerity of the negotiation with which he was 
charged, a secret agent of his government was employed in 
intrigues, having for their object a subversion of our govern- 
ment, and a dismemberment of our happy nation. 

"In reviewing the conduct of Great Britian towards the 
United States^ our attention is necessarily drawn to the war- 
fare just renewed by the savages on one of our extensive 
frontiers ; a warfare which is known to spare neither age 
nor sex, and to be distinguished by features peculiarly 
Bhocking to humanity. It is difficult to account for the ac- 
tivity and combination which have for some time been de- 
veloping themselves among the tribes in the constant inter- 
course with British traders and garrisons, without connect- 



JAMES MADISON. 109 

ing their hostility with that influence ; and without recollect- 
ing the authenticated examples of such interpositions hereto- 
fore furnished by the officers and, agents of that government. 

" Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities which 
have been heaped on our country ; and such the crisis which 
its unexampled forbearance and conciliatory efforts have 
not been able to avert. It might at least have been expected 
that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obliga- 
tions, or invited by friendly dispositions on the part of the 
United States, would have found, in its true interest alone, 
a sufficient Liotive to respect their rights and their tranquility 
on the high seas ; that an enlarged policy would have favored 
that free and general circulation of commerce, in which the 
British nation is at all times interested, and which in times 
of war, is the best alleviation of its calamities to herself as 
well as the other belligerents ; and more especially that the 
British cabinet would not, for the sake of the precarious and 
surreptitious intercourse with hostile markets, have perse- 
vered in a course of measures which necessarily put at ha- 
zard the valuable market of a great and growing country, 
disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages of an active 
commerce. 

" Our councils have prevailed. Our moderation and con- 
ciliation have had no other effect than to encourage perse- 
verance, and to enlarge pretensions. We behold our sea 
faring citizens still the daily victims of lawless violence com- 
mitted on the great common and highway of nations, even 
within sight of the country which owes them protection. 
We behold our vessels freighted with the products of our 
soil and industry, or returning with the honest proceeds of 
them, wrested from their lawful destination, confiscated by 
prize courts, no longer the organs of public law, but the in 



110 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

struments of arbitrary edicts ; and their unfortunate crews 
dispersed and lost, or forced or inveigled, in British ports, 
into British fleets : whilst arguments are employee in support 
of these aggressions, which have no foundation but in a prin- 
ciple supporting equally a claim to regulate our external 
commerce in all cases whatsoever. 

" We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Britain, a state 
of war against the United States ; and on the side of the 
United States, a state of peace towards Great Britain. 

" Whether the United States shall continue passive under 
these progressive usurpations, and these accumulating wrongs; 
or, opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights, 
shall commit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty 
Disposer of events, avoiding all connexions which might en 
tangle in the contests or views of other powers, and preserv 
ins: a readiness to concur in an honorable re-establishment 
of peace and friendship, is a solemn question, which '•'le con- 
stitution wisely confides to the legislative department of the 
government. In recommending it to their early deliberations, 
I am happy in the assurance of that decision will be worthy 
the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free, 
and a powerful nation. 

" Having presented this view of the relations of the United 
States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alternative 
growing out of them, I proceed to remark, that the commu- 
nications last made to Congress on the subject of our rela- 
tions with France, will have shown that since the revocation 
of her decrees, as they violated the neutral rights of the 
United States, her government has authorized illegal cap- 
tures, by its privateers and public ships, and that other out- 
rages have been practised on our vessels and our citizens 
It will have been seen also, that no indemnity had been pro- 



JA11ES MADISON. Ill 

vided, or satisfactorily pit aged, for the extensive spoliations 
committed under the vioh nt and retrospective orders of the 
French government against the property of our citizens 
seized within the jurisdiction of France. I abstain at this 
time from recommending to the consideration of Congress 
definite measures with respect to that nation, in the expecta- 
tion that the result of the undisclosed discussions between 
our minister plenipotentiary at Paris, and the French go- 
vernment, will speedily enable Congress to decide, with 
greater advantage, on the course due to the rights, the 
interest, and the honor of our country." 

This message was referred, in the house of representatives, 
to the committee on foreign relations. After a serious 
consideration of its contents, they reported a bill, declaring 
war between the united kingdoms of Great Britain and 
Ireland and their dependencies, and the United States of 
America, and their territories, accompanied by a manifesto 
of the causes that impelled to war. 

A full history of this three years' war does not come 
within the scope of this biography. We have to do with 
President Madison. It is generally conceded that he erred 
in his first measures — in the choice of war ministers — in the. 
appointment of commanding generals. Perhaps, all the 
weakness and inefficiency displayed in the conduct of the 
first campaign, may be traced to the bad selection of a war- 
minister. Upon land, the force of the United States suf- 
fered defeat and disaster. The navy maintained the honor, 
and established the maritime reputation of the country. 
Hull, Decatur, Lawrence, and other gallant spirits inflicted 
upon the enemy at sea, what they gave to the Americans 
on land. 

At the presidential election of 1812, Mr. Madison was 



112 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



again a candidate. Elbridge Gerry was on the same ticket 
as a candidate for the Vice Presidency. These gentlemen 
were opposed by De Witt Clinton and Jared Ingersoll. 

The electoral vote stood as follows : 

For Madison, one hundred and twenty-eight ; Gerry, one 
hundred and thirty-one ; Clinton, eighty-nine ; Ingersoll, 
eighty-six. The friends of the administration retained a 
majority in Congress, though the opposition daily increased 
in strength. On the 4th of March, Mr. Madison entered upon 
his second inaugural term. Previous to this, some changes 
had been made in the cabinet. William Jones of Pennsyl- 
vania, had been appointed Secretary of the Navy in place 
of Paul Hamilton, and General John Armstong had been 
appointed Secretary of War, in the place of Doctor Eustis. 
resigned. 

On the 8th of March, 1813, the Russian minister com- 
municated to the American government an oiler from the Em- 
peror Alexander of his mediation between the United States 
and Great Britain ; and on the 11th, the President accepted 
the offer. A few days afterwards, the President appointed 
Messrs. Albert Gallatin, John Quincy Adams, and James A. 
Bayard, commissioners or envoys to treat for peace. The 
British government rejected the offer of Russian mediation 
but signified its willingness to treat directly with the United 
States. Ghent was the place fixed for the meeting of the 
commissioners. In the meantime, the war went on. Upon 
the lakes and the ocean, the Americans were astonishingly 
successful, while upon land, though they met with some dis- 
asters, their affairs began to brighten. 

Henr? Clay and Jonathan Russel were added to the ne- 
gotiating envoys in January, 1814; and the commissioners 
were arranged by the President in the following order 



JAMES MADISON. 



113 



Jolin Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Guy, Jona- 
than Russel, and Albert Gallatin. 

During the year 1814, the war was prosecuted with vigor 
and zeal on. both sides. The fall of Napoleon left Great 
Britain at liberty to direct her whole strength against tho 
United States, and a large number of the veterans of Wei 
lington's campaigns, were sent over to Canada. But Brown, 
Sc^tt, Gaines, Jackson, and Ripley, were now at the head 
of the American forces, and great vigor was exerted in all 
parts of the administration. Confidence in the army waa 
revived, and the triumphs at Niagara, Plattsburg, Baltimore, 
Fort Erie, and New Orleans, conclusively showed the supe- 
riority of the Americans upon their own soil. Harrison, by 
the victory of the Thames, had relieved the north-western 
frontier from the depredations and atrocities of the united 
British and Indians. On the sea, the " star-spangled ban- 
ner" was covered with the glory of triumph. 

Several changes took place in the cabinet in 1814 and 
1815. George W. Campbell, of Tennessee, was appointed 
to supply the place of Mr. Gallatin, as Secretary of the 
Treasury, and in October, he resigned, and was succeeded 
by Alexander J. Dallas. In September, 1814, General 
Armstrong resigned the post of Secretary of War. Mr. 
Monroe acted as the head of that department until the 1st 
of August, 1815, when William H. Crawford was appointed, 
and Mr. Monroe returned to the duties of the state depart' 
ment. Changes were also made in the subordinate offices. 

While Congress was passing acts for the vigorous prose- 
cution of the war, the unexpected and welcome intelligence 
of peace was received at Washington, early in February, 
1815. A treaty of peace between the United States and 
Great Britain was concluded by the commission ors at Ghent, 



114 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

on the 24th of Dectember, 1814, about a fortnight before 
the British were repulsed at New Orleans, by General Jack- 
Bon. The treaty was ratified by the President and senate, 
and was the occasion of sincere and universal rejoicings. 
Early in 1815, Messrs. Adams, Gallatin, and Clay, nego- 
tiated at London, a satisfactory commercial treaty, which 
completely restored friendly relations between the United 
States and Great Britain. 

The rest of President Madison's administration was 
peaceable and beneficial to all the interests of the country. 
The want of a uniform national currency had been felt dur- 
ing the war, and a national bank, with a capital of thirty- 
five millions, was now established with the consent of the 
republican party. The encouragement of American manu- 
factures, by the regulation of the tariff, and the extinction 
of the national debt, were the objects of the other important 
measures adopted during this administration. On the 4th 
of March, 1817, Mr. Madison surrendered the Presidency 
to his friend, Mr. Monroe, and retired to his seat of Mont- 
pelier, in Virginia. 

" In 1829, he consented to become a member of the con- 
vention which met at Richmond for the purpose of revising 
the constitution of his state, and contributed largely in seve- 
ral instances to effect a compromise between contending 
opinions and interests. With the exception only of the two 
months which he was at this period absent from home, and 
his occasional visits to Charlottesville, in fulfilment of his 
duties as a visitor, and subsequently as rector, of the Uni- 
versity of Virginia, it is stated that he never left his county 
after he quitted Washington. Although he lived to the age 
of eighty-five, he had a very delicate constitution, and never 
enjoyed good health. He died on the 28th of June 1836. — 



JAMES MADISON. 115 

In his domestic relations he was amiable and kind ; and in 
his intercourse with his friends, his conversational powera 
rendered him an instructive and entertaining companion. 

As a writer he has had few equals among American 
statesmen, and the style of his public documents and his 
correspondence have been much admired. He was an able 
debater, having acquired self-confidence by slow degrees 
He restored the custom of levees at the presidential mansion 
which was a gratification to his friends and strangers. 

In personal appearance, Mr. Madison was small of stature 
and rather protuberant in front. His countenance wore an 
expression of mingled mildness, dignity, and intelligence. 
He was slow and deliberate in speech. At the close of his 
last presidential term he seemed care-worn and older than 
he was in fact. He was bald on the top of his head, Nvore 
his hair powdered, and usually dressed in black. His learning 
was ever calculated to convey an idea of his modest merit. 
Mr. A. J. Stansbury, the author of " Reminiscences of Pub- 
lic Men," who was well acquainted with Mr. Madison and 
his lady gives us the following description of them : 

"I saw Mr. Madison, for the first time, at Richmond, 
where he attended as a member of a state convention, as- 
sembled in 1829, for the revision of the constitution of 
Virginia. You may imagine the intense curiosity with 
which I gazed on an individual so illustrious. Among a crowd 
of gentlemen who entered the hall of the old house of bur- 
gesses, in the capital, where the convention was about to 
open, I saw one, of lower stature than any of his compeers, 
Blender and delicate in form — dressed in a suit of black, 
not new, and now dusty from travel, with a hat distinguished 
by the width of its brim, and its total estrangement from the 
fashionable block of the day; in aspect grave, yet mild ; in 



116 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

air and carriage perfectly simple and unassuming; of light., 
elastic step, and possessing, altogether, what may be called 
a winning address. I observed that he was approached by 
every one with an instinctive respect, (though not with that 
expression of awe which was inspired by Washington,) and 
I soon learned from every mouth, that it was cx-Pr.esident 
Madison. Many members of the convention then saw him, 
like myself for the first time. He looked to me like a gen- 
tleman farmer, emerging from retirement, to give his vote 
at some important election, and then purposing to return 
home. 

"lie met his friends with courtesy, but with an unmoved 
calmness of maimer, differing, as it seemed to me, from that 
warmth and cordiality which usually marks the intercourse 
of Virginians, and Southern people generally. Indeed, 
were 1 asked to point out Mr. Madison's distinguishing 
trait, I speak of his constitutional organization, I should 
say it was this very quality of dignifit-*! calmness. His tone 
of mind seemed pleasant, even cheerful, but totally undis- 
turbed — ever self-possessed, self-balanced. Wherever I met 
him, afterward, this original impression remained unaltered. 
He was, in all situations, gentlemanly, modest, retiring, 
and for so distinguished a character, more silent than I had 
expected. He never assumed the lead in conversation, and 
appeared always more disposed to listen than to speak. No- 
thing can be conceived more remote from all assumption and 
display. During the whole duration of the convention, (and 
it sat for sixteen weeks,) although of all present, he was 
best entitled to speak on subjects such as those which occu- 
pied that body, he spoke but twice. When he did speak, 
however, the effect of such retiring merit Avas at once ob- 
vi'ius. While other members of the body, even the most 



JAMES MADISON. 117 

distinguished among the elite of Virginia, were listened to 
with respectful attention, but without any special outward 
demonstration of interest, no sooner was Mr. Madison upon 
his feet, than there was in one moment a simultaneous rush, 
from every part of the hall ; the ordinary decorum of tho 
body seemed forgotten ; regardless of all obstacles, every 
man made a straight line to the spot, and he was at once, 
so completely hemmed in by the crowd that pressed around 
to hear, that his small figure could scarce be seen. There 
was, indeed, one reason for this movement besides the 
homage which his character commanded. 

" His voice, never very strong, was then very slender, even 
feeble, (he was in his seventy-eighth year,) though his enun- 
ciation was perfectly distinct, and the universal eagerness 
not to lose a syllable that fell from him may have quickened 
the efforts to be as near him as possible. My professional 
occupation opened an avenue to me, since it was my duty 
to take down the speech ; but such was the interest I felt, 
in common with all around me, to hear the speech, that it 
was with difficulty I could prevent my attention from being 
drawn from my task, leaving me a listener merely. I have 
still the MS. notes of that speech, (the last he ever delivered) 
with corrections of it in his own hand, which I keep with a 
religious feeling of veneration. Connected with it is a 
little anecdote, characteristic in the highest degree of the 
meekness of wisdom which so eminently distinguished the 
author of 'The Federalist.' When I had finished writing 
out the speech, I left it with him for his revision. Next day, 
as there was a great call for it, and the report had not been 
returned for publication, I sent my son, with a respectful 
note, requesting the MS. My son was a lad of about six- 
teen, (whom I had taken with me to act as an amanuensis,) 



118 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



and on delivering my note he was received with the utmost 
politeness, and requested to come up in Mr. Madison's cham- 
ber, and wait while he ran his eye over the paper ; as com- 
pany had till that moment prevented his attending to it. 
He did so : and Mr. Madison, pen in hand, sat down to cor- 
rect the report. The lad stood near him, so that his eyo 
fell on the paper. Coming to a certain sentence in the 
speech, Mr. Madison struck out a word, and substituted 
another : but hesitated, and not feeling quite satisfied with 
the second word, drew his pen through it also. My son was 
young, ignorant of the world, and unconscious of the sole- 
cism of which he was about to be guilty, when, in all his 
simplicity, he suggested a word. Yes, he ventured, boy that 
he was, to suggest to James Madison an improvement in 
his own speech ! Probably no other individual then living 
-would have taken such a liberty ! But the sage, instead of 
regarding the intrusion with a frown, raised his eye to the 
boy's face with pleased surprise, and said, ' thank you, sir — 
it is the very word !' and immediately inserted it. I saw him 
the next day, and he mentioned the circumstance, with a 
compliment on the young critic. 

" I was forcibly struck, while discharging my daily duty 
in the convention, at the deportment of Mr. Madison. Punc- 
tual and unfailing in his attendance, he always occupied the 
eame seat, and I do not think that in the hall there was another 
individual who paid as uniform and unremitted attention to 
the proceedings of the body. Whoever occupied the floor, 
he was sure of at least one attentive listener. John Marshall 
himself, did not listen with more steadiness and condescen- 
sion to the argument of a young member of the bar, (and 
who that was ever a young member there, and did not ieel 
with deepest gratitude that admirable trait in the character 



JAMES MADISON. 119 

of the great jurist ?) than did Mr. Madison to the speeches, 
of every grade, from men of every calibre, on subjects of 
which none was so complete a master as himself. Perhaps 
^Jie habit might have been formed when he was himself a 
reporter in the convention which formed the constitution 
A reporter is a listener by profession ; he is attentive pa: 
force ; and, happily, in this case as in every other of invo- 
luntary and long-continued labor, the back, by a mercifir 
Providence, becomes fitted to the burden. 

" At Richmond I first saw Mrs. Madison, and the instant 
my eye fell on her I felt that I was looking on a Queen. 
A queen she was ; one of nature's queens : — she looked the 
character ; her person, carriage, manners, language, would 
have been in place in any, the most polished, Court of Eu- 
rope. To her, Virgil's immortal words applied with a force 
that struck every beholder : ' Incedit Hegina.' Her per- 
son was large and dignified, yet moved with easy grace ; 
her face a full oval, with .raised features, double chin, fine 
eyes, and a mouth dressed in the most winning smiles. It 
was a face that seemed to bid you welcome, and to ask, 
' what can I do for you ?' Having once seen her, I felt no 
more surprised at having heard of her from a boy ; — I could 
credit what had frequently been told me that her husband 
owed much of the success of his administration (so far as its 
popularity was concerned,) to the influence of his wife. Hei 
power over him was great, and all who sought preferment, 
promotion, favors of any kind, addressed themselves, natu- 
rally, to her, as the readiest and surest channel of access to 
the President. A corrupt woman might have enriched her- 
self to almost any extent, by the use of such a power. 
Madison himself was cold and shy, and a timid suitor would 
often have met, not with repulse, but with a polite refusal ; 



120 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

but to Mrs. Madison anybody, every body could approach , 
and if their request was reasonable and such as a lady might 
Urge without derogation from her own sense of propriety, thev 
might count upon at least her good offices. I had a personaj 
opportunity of witnessing both the adroitness, and the prev- 
alence, of her intercession. A gentleman was at Richmond 
with a subscription for an edition of the American Encyclo- 
pedia. The presence of so numerous an assemblage of in- 
telligent men presented a favorable opportunity for prosecu- 
ting such an enterprise. The work was expensive, and ita 
publishers would not feel warranted to enter into such an un- 
dertaking without securing, beforehand, a respectable amount 
of patronage. The gentleman was very anxious, and his 
first application must, of course, be made to Mr. Madison, 
that name alone would be worth to him more than a hundred 
others. With such a name at the head of his list he could 
present it to any man ; without it, he would be met with its 
absence as an objection. He applied, and was refused. Mr. 
Madison admitted the value of the work, complimented t lie 
applicant on his enterprise in undertaking its publication, 
wished him every success, but pleading his own restricted 
circumstances, which would not justify him in incurring the 
expense. The poor man came to me in great dejection. A 
refusal from such a source took the wind out of his sails: 
it would justify all in refusing who sought an excuse to do 
so. 'What shall I do ?' said he, in much perplexity. ' Have 
you ever read the book of Judges'.'" said I. 'The book of 
Judges ! Why yes, I have read it ; but what has that to do 
with my subscription list ?' ' More, perhaps than you think. 
Do you remember how the Philistines found out Samson's 
riddle ? Do you recollect what he told them ? " If you had 
not ploughed with my heifer, you would never have found out 



JAMES MADISON. 1-L 

my riddle." Go you, and try the same plan.' 'You are 
right; you're right! I'll do it.' Next day he came into 
my room huzzaing — 'I ploughed with the heifer;' and see, 
here's the sign manual.' I asked him to tell me how she 
did it. ' Why,' replied he, ' she brought me to the old gen- 
tleman, and told him of how much importance it was to me 
to get his name.' 'Yes my dear,' said he, ' I am aware of 
that ; but you know, as well as I, that our circumstances are 
not such as to warrant me in incurring so heavy an expense. 
I should be glad to aid this gentleman, and glad to possess 
the work, but I cannot afford it.' 'I know that, my dear,' 
said his lady, ' or I am sure you would give this gentleman 
your name to help his list. But are not you a trustee of 
the University of Virginia ? and couldn't you take his book 
for the college ?' ' True, true, my love ; I never thought 
of that,' and he put down his name.' This is a sample of the 
admirable tact with which she could carry her point. 

" There were excellent points in her character. She was 
ever a friend to the friendless. Whenever, in the drawing- 
room, a modest individual seemed thrown in the back ground 
her quick eye instantly perceived it ; and she would always 
contrive, without any parade of condescension, but in the 
most easy and affectionate manner, by a kind word, a kind 
look, a question, or some other of those nameless, intangible, 
but influential courtesies of which she was so perfect a mis- 
tress, to attract attention and encouragement toward the ob- 
ject of her kindness. Nor was this trait in her disposition 
confined to mere courtesy of manner; she was ever ready 
to confer substantial kindness on those who needed it. Mr. 
Catlin, the adventurous delineator of Indian life and manners, 
(a man as distinguished for his modest simplicity of mind as 
for the charm of his pencil,) once related to me this anecdote- 



1-2 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

While quite a young man, and soon after his marriage, he 
was in Virginia, in the vicinity of Mr. Madison's home, en- 
deavoring to earn his support by painting portraits ; he was 
a stranger, and in narrow circumstances, having taken cheap 
board at a private house in the country. Here his young 
wife was taken sick with the intermittent fever so common 
in a southern climate, and confined for several weeks to her 
bed. It was a desolate situation ; the necessary comforts of 
a sick chamber were hard to be procured, especially by a 
young couple, little known and in narrow circumstances. — 
But his wife had not been sick many days, before a lady, of 
very preposessing appearance, entered her chamber, and with 
a graceful apology for the intrusion, introduced herself, and 
begged to know how she could render any assistance ; — and 
then laying aside her bonnet and shawl, she sat her down by 
the bedside, cheered the invalid by her conversation (which 
ever flowed like a gentle and abundant river,) mixed and ad- 
ministered her medicines, and from that hour continued to 
nurse her like a sister, till she was quite recovered. It was 
Mrs. Madison. 

". Another beautiful trait in her character was her fondness 
for the young. No one could have seen her in company with 
young ladies, and failed to be struck with this peculiarity. 
It became the more remarkable as she advanced in years. — 
At an age when to the most of those who reacn it the liveli- 
ness and chatter of young people is a burden, she had still 
the same fondness for their company ; nor was there a kinder 
chaperone to be found in introducing and encouraging a 
bashful young girl just ' come out.' She conciliated their' 
confidence at once, and in a large and mixed company, you 
would always find a bevy of youthful faces around her, all 
whose pleasures seemed to be her own. 



JAMES MADISON. 



123 



"In almost every picture of Mrs. Madison, whether minia- 
ture or portrait, she is drawn with a turban ; and very pro- 
perly ; for it was, I believe, her constant head dress. How- 
ever the fashions might change, and however, in other re- 
spects, she conformed to them, she still retained this pecu- 
liarity. It became her well, nor could she, probably, have 
laid it aside for anything that would have set off her features 
to better advantage. So much was the eye accustomed to 
see it that it became in fact, a part of her figure. It was, 
to her, much what old Frederick's three cornered hat was to 
him ; and one would as soon expect to find Mrs. Madison 
without her turban, as the Prussian army would to see their 
king without his hat. She rouged, too, very freely ; nor 
did she lay aside her turban, her rouge, her courtly manners, 
cheerful spirits, or her fondness for company, to the day 
of her death'." 




% ■ m 






JAMES MONROE. 

Those who are in the habit of regarding quickness of 
thought and brilliancy of expression as essentials of great- 
ness have spoken slightly of James Monroe. They have 
wound up their memoirs of him with some grave remarks 
upon the freaks of the popular will and the fortune of some 
politicians. But he who enjoyed the esteem of the great 
men of his day, who was employed by Presidents of various 
shades of opinion, in many important stations — who rivalled 
Madison — whose administration was so successful as to have 
the unanimous and hearty approbation of the nation could 
not have been a common man — could not have been merely 
fortunate. Firmness, integrity, patriotism, foresight, and 
great capacity for labor — the genuine attribute of the best 
rulers, were to be found in James Monroe. Diplomatic and 
administrative talents, he certainly displayed. If he lacked 
imagination and oratorical powers, so did Washington, and 
many of the best statesmen, whose names have been handed 
down to us by History, have been more eloquent in deeds than 
in words. As a hero, leaving college to lead the van at Tren- 
ton — as a patriot, pledging his private estate to furnish the 
means for defending New Orleans, as a diplomatist negotiat- 
ing for the purchase of Louisiana, and as President, carrying 

125 



126 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

into effect these measure most agreeable to the popular will, 
James Monroe is truly worthy of the highest esteem. 

The successor of Madison was born on the 2d of April, 1759; 
in the county of Westmoreland, Virginia. The family of 
Monroe is one of the most ancient and honorable in Virginia, 
James was the son of Spence Monroe and Elizabeth Jones. 
After preparing himself by a course of elementary study, 
he entered William and Mary College. But the war of 
independence began ; and the country had great need of 
the hearts and arms of all her sons. James Monroe was 
but eighteen years old when the declaration of independence 
was issued. Yet he resolved to quit the college and join 
the army under Washington. The British general was pre- 
paring an overwhelming force for an attack upon New York. 
The horizon of America was growing gloomy. The timid 
were shrinking from the side of the great patriot general. 
Monroe joined Washington at New York. During the dark 
period of seventy-six, he shared with the patriots in their 
perils and privations. He participated in the disastrous 
battles of Harlem heights and White Plains. In the battle 
of Trenton, while leading the vanguard in .a brave and suc- 
cessful assault upon the enemy's artillery, he received a 
wound, the scar of which he carried to his grave. 

After he recovered from his wound, Mr. Monroe was 
promoted to a captaincy, in the regular service. But, during 
the campaign of 1777 and 1778, he acted as aid to Lord 
Stirling, receding from the line of promotion. However, 
he won fresh laurels by his brave bearing at Brandywine, 
Germantown, and Monmouth. Desiring to regain his posi- 
tion in the line, he endeavored to raise a regiment in Vir- 
ginia, under the recommendation of General Washington 
and the authority of the legislature. But the state was ex- 



JAMES MONROE. 127 

hausted. and men could not be induced to enlist. Failing to 
attain his aim, Mr. Monroe then devoted himself to the study 
of the law, under Mr. Jefferson, then governor of Virginia.* 
But he afterwards served as a volunteer, aiding to resist the 
British invasion of the state. 

In 1782, Mr. Monroe was elected to a seat in the Vir- 
ginia legislature, by the county of King George. He was 
then twenty-four years old ; but such was his activity and 
legislative tact, that in 1783, he was elected by the legisla- 
ture, a delegate to the Continental Congress. Tw© years' 
experience in that body convinced him that its powers were 
insufficient for the purposes of good government, and he 
therefore sought to extend them. In 1785, he made a mo- 
tion that Congress should be invested with the power to regu- 
late trade. This motion was referred to a committee, of 
which he was chairman. Other proposals to amend the 
Articles of Confederation were made, and finally, the con- 
vention for framing a constitution was the result. In the 
meantime, Mr. Monroe served with eight other highly re- 
spectable men of the period, in a federal court, which was 
to decide a long pending controversy between New York 
and Massachusetts. But the states settled the matter by 
mutual agreement, and Mr. Monroe resigned his commission. 
While in New York, attending the Continental Congress, 
Mr. Monroe married the beautiful and accomplished daughter 
of Mr. L. Kortright. In the latter part of 1782, his term 
of service expired, and being ineligible for a second term, 
he retired to Fredericksburg to engage in the practice of 
the law. 

But the times and the Virginians would not allow talent 
r,o remain in the walks of public life. In 17S7, Mr. Monroe 
* Statemaii's Manual. 



128 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

was elected to the Legislature, and in the following year, he 
was chosen a delegate to the state convention, assembled to 
decide upon the federal constitution. In that body were 
some of the noblest minds in the country. The great orator 
Patrick Henry, was there to pour forth his thunder in oppo- 
sition to the constitution, while Madison, Pendleton and 
Edmund Randolph, appeared as its able advocates. Mr. 
Monroe, though convinced of the necessity of a radical change 
in the general government, was not prepared to accept the 
propose^, constitution, without certain very important amend- 
ments. With Patrick Henry, George Mason and other great 
men, he thought the power committed to the hands of the 
executive would overwhelm the liberties of the people and 
the rights of the states. The democratic and state right 
doctrines held by Mr. Monroe at this time were consistently 
maintained throughout his political career. The convention 
finally adopted the constitution as it was, by a vote of eighty- 
nine to seventy-nine, Mr. Monue being in the negative. 

The majority of anti-federalists were elected by Virginia 
to the first Congress. On the death of William Grayson, 
one of the senators, Mr. Monroe was elected to supply his 
place. He took his seat in the senate of the United States 
in 1790. During the four years that he held that station, 
he opposed the administration of Washington, and arose to 
high esteem among the republicans. In May, 1704, Presi- 
dent Washington appointed Mr. Monroe minister to the 
French republic, in compliance with the wishes of the Jef- 
ferson party. He was cordially received in France, but his 
course while there was not conformable to the policy of 
Washington, who therefore recalled him in 17'J(J^ On his 
return, Mr. Monroe published a vindication of his course 
of action, and censured the administration. He was then 



JAMES MONROE. 129 

elected to tl.c Virginia legislature, and in 1799 was chosen 
by that body, governor of the state, which office he held for 
the limited term of three years. 

In 1803, President Jefferson, anxious for the purchase 
of Louisiana, appointed Mr. Monroe envoy extraordinary to 
France, to act jointly with Mr. Livingston, the resident 
minister. A fortnight after his arrival in France, Mr. Mon- 
roe succeeded in attaining the wished for object. Mr. Li- 
vingston, had begun to despair of success ; but the envoy 
extraordinary, having a better understanding with the French 
government, easily conducted the negotiation to the desired 
end. This achievement did great honor to Mr. Monroe's 
diplomatic talents. Shortly after the purchase of Louisiana, 
Mr. Monroe succeeded Rufus King at the court of St. James. 
At this time, the relations between the United States and 
Great Britain were anything but friendly. In 1807, Messrs 
Monroe and Pinckney succeeded in negotiating a treaty, 
which they considered advantageous to the United States. 
But President Jefferson refused to send it to the Senate, he 
thought it clogged with inadmissible conditions. Mr. Can- 
ning, the British minister of foreign affairs, refused to nego- 
tiate further, and therefore the mission of Monroe and Pinck- 
ney was at an end. Mr. Monroe was somewhat dissatisfied 
with President Jefferson in consequence of the unceremonious 
treatment of the result of the laborious negotiation ; but the 
matter was explained in friendly correspondence. 

It was thought by a portion of the republican party that 
Mr. Monroe should succeed Mr. Jefferson in the Presidency. 
But the majority preferred Mr. Madison. In 1811, Mr. 
Monroe was again elected governor of Virginia, which sta- 
tion, he resigned, however, to take the department of State, 
under President Madison. After the capture of Washington 



ISO S Of nu: PRESIDE ■ 

nation of General Armstrong, M.. M 
nted to the war department, in whioh capacity a 
displayed an energy, boldness, and patriotism, whic)i iadioa- 

llo proposed to 
one hundred thousand men, and to 
from the whole number of ahle»b 
is measure was calculated to make him unpopular; 
ho know it ; but in '.' feen what heoo I right 

and popularity, he was prepared to sacrifice the latter. For- 
tunately the return of peace rendered the addition t< 
army nnn« Towards the end of the year ISi 

attention \ ed to the defence of Now Orleans, To 

Is, he was compelled to pledge his 
dit,as sul to that of the government, which 

By this patriotio aot, Mr, Monroe waa 
enabled to furnish the c riumph of 

the v Nevi Orleans followed and t ho war 

dosed. 

Mr. Monroe nod to the department of state, and 

aided Mr, Madison in carrying out thos aires which 

a and domestic relations of the government de- 
manded. In 1816, he received the nomination of there- 
in, for the Presidency, llo was elected without 

difficulty. Daniel D, Tompkins, of Now York, was olootod 

to the Vice Presidency at the same time. Messrs. Mc 
and Tompkins entered upon the duties of their offices on 
1th of Maroh, IS IT. 
President Monroe determined to pursue the same y 
ud to appointments, as had boon followed by J 
son and Madison. Republicans alone were to be oons 
fit for office, under a republican administration. 

* SI *-" . • a M.mu.il. 



JAMES MONROE. 131 

Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, was appointed Secretary 
of State ; William H. Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of 
the Treasury ; John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Secre- 
tary of War ; and William Wirt, of Virginia, Attorney 
General. Benjamin M. Crowninshield was continued in 
office as Secretary of the Navy. 

The policy of Mr. Monroe's administration was liberal 
and satisfactory to all parties. In many of its features, it 
resembled that of Washington and Hamilton. The perfect- 
ing of a national bank, of the gradual discharge of the public 
debt, of the system of fortifying the coast and increasing 
the navy, and of encouraging by adequate protection the 
manufactures and inventions of the country, were the chief 
aims of this policy. Mr. Monroe yielded his own opinions 
to those of the majority of the nation, and acquiesced in a 
system of internal improvements, but not until near the 
close of his administration. The treaty which added Flo- 
rida to the United States was consummated under the di- 
rection of the President. In 1817, he made a tour through 
a large portion of the northern and middle states, inspect- 
ing the various public works, and gaining much accurate in- 
formation in regard to the state of these sections of the 
Union. He was received with every demonstration of re- 
spect and aifection on the part of the people. 

In 1820, Mr. Monroe was re-elected to the Presidency, 
receiving every vote of the electoral college except one. In 
the previous year he made a tour through the southern and 
western states, where he was received with the same cor- 
diality as had been displayed during his excursion to the 
north. Mr. Tompkins was re-elected to the Vice Presidency 
by a very large majority. The administration was the must 
popular the country had yet known. The great question 



132 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Defore the C ongress at the session of 1820-21, was upon 
the admission of Missouri into the Union. A largo portion 
of the members were opposed to the admission of any more 
states, by whose constitution slavery was recognised, and 
Missouri came within this category. After a very violent 
discussion, the question was settled by a compromise, pro- 
posed by Henry Clay, of Kentucky. Missouri was to be 
admitted ; but slavery was to be for ever prohibited in the 
rest of the territory west of the Mississippi, lying north of 
thirty-six degrees and thirty-six minutes, north latitude. 

Many important acts were adopted by Congress, during 
the second presidential term of Mr. Monroe. But we havo 
indicated the general policy of the administration, and the 
views of the President, and it is beyond our purpose to re- 
view congressional measures. All the candidates proposed 
to succeed Mr. Monroe were members of the republican 
party. They were William H. Crawford, Secretary of the 
Treasury ; John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State ; John 
C. Calhoun, Secretary of War ; Henry Clay, and General 
Andrew Jackson. The vote in the electoral college stood 
as follows : — For Jackson, ninety-nine ; Adams, eighty-four ; 
Crawford, forty-one ; Clay, thirty-seven. There was, con- 
sequently, no choice of a President by the people. John C. 
Calhoun was elected Vice President, receiving one hundred 
and eighty-two votes, to seventy-eight for all others. The 
election from the three highest candidates devolved upon 
the house of representatives. That body, voting by states, 
elected John Quincy Adams, in February, 1825. It wag 
Bupposed that this choice was agreeable to the views of Mr. 
Monroe, though the disappointed candidates were his friends. 

\t the elose of this vigorous and prosperous administra- 
tion, on the 3d of March, 1825, Mr. Monroe retired to Ltf 



JAMES MONROE. 133 

residence in Loudon county, Virginia, where he was shortly 
afterwards appointed a county magistrate, and curator oi 
the University of Virginia. 

In 1829, he was elected a member of the convention 
called to revise the constitution of the state, a body of which 
he was unanimously chosen president. A writer, in a late 
number of the " Southern Literary Messenger," who at- 
tended this convention, thus speaks of the part played by 
Mr. Monroe. 

" The want of the habit of public speaking was very con- 
spicuous in several of the older members of the Convention, 
and in none more than in Mr. Monroe. It was well known 
that he was never a very eloquent speaker ; but in former 
days his speeches were said to be remarkable for plain com- 
mon sense, expressed in clear and intelligible language. He 
had lost all this, no doubt from long disuse, before he came 
to the convention. His ideas appeared to be confused, his 
delivery awkward, his manner perplexed, and his whole de- 
meanor that of a man overwhelmed by the magnitude of his 
subject. To have judged from his speeches on the floor, one 
might very well have supposed that he had no clear percep- 
tions upon any subject, and that he had not mastered the 
particular one upon which he was engaged for the time being. 

" Yet those who know the history of Mr. Monroe, are well 
aware that such was not the character of his mind. He was 
eminently a man of action ; he saw his way clearly in every 
iifEculty, political or diplomatic, and though he might not 
be able to point it out to others, he never lost it himself. In 
this respect he resembled the English statesman, Castlereagh, 
who, if the account of Lord Brougham is to be credited, was 
the least luminous of all speakers that ever addressed the 
House of Commons. He formed a perfect contrast to his 



134 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

great rival and enemy, Canning, who was the most polished 
of speakers, the most attic of wits, the most entertaining of 
raconteurs. Yet when the time of action came, the master- 
spirit developed itself at once in Castlereagh. He managed 
the helm with the boldness of a pilot who delighted in the 
excitement of tempest and danger, while his more eloquent 
adversary, if left to himself in the hour of peril, would soon 
have run the vessel on a shoal, or have caused her to founder 
at sea. 

" Though no orator, Mr. Monroe was, nevertheless, lis- 
tened to with great respect in the convention. And he was 
entitled to be thus listened to. He had filled the highest 
offiees, had been twice elected President of the United States, 
and had conducted one of the most successful administrations 
the country had ever known. In spite of his embarrassed 
manner, and awkward delivery, these facts denoted him to 
be no ordinary man, and his fame had already been placed 
beyond the reach of accident." 

Before the adjournment of the convention, Mr. Monroe 
was compelled by indisposition, to retire. In the succeed- 
ing summer, he took up his abode with his son-in-law, Mr. 
Gouvernor, in New York. Here he died on the 4th of July, 
1831, at the age of seventy-two years. He was the third 
ex-president who died upon the anniversary of the nation's 
independence. Mrs. Monroe died a short time before her 
husband. 

The following delineation of the character of Mr. Monroe, 
is given by Mr. A. J. Stansbury, in his interesting " Rcnii 
niscences of Public Men :" 

" James Monroe was a gentleman ; courteous, frank, dig- 
nified, accessible : his manner, however, had more of the 
soldier xr it than the civilian ; he differed strongly in this 



JAMES MONROE. 135 

respect from each of the Presidents who had preceded him. 
Washington was a soldier,it is true, but he had the carriage 
and bearing of a monarch in the fieid, and when transferred 
to the cabinet was still in his place. Adams was an En- 
glish, or rather a New England genl leman,and had the air 
of a scholar, accustomed to rank and deference. Jefferson 
wasa polished French philosopher, courtier, and man of the 
world. Monroe was none of these, but had the look and 
open manner of one who had long been in camp, had read 
men more than books, and who silently reflected on all he 
saw. Though frank in manner, he could keep his own 
counsel, had his own will, and while he respectfully listened 
to all the opinions of his cabinet, and the arguments by 
which they were supported, made up his own mind, and 
after a night's reflection came prepared to declare and to 
abide by it. The composed state of the country, quietly 
recuperating as it was, after the tumult and effort of the 
second war with Great Britain, did not call out tbe latent 
energies of the man ; but when any thing did occur to rouse 
them, he always showed a spirit and vigor of mind that 
sometimes took men by surprise. 

" I recollect an instance of this that is highly character- 
istic of the man. He had issued an order of some kind, 1 
forget its particular nature, to Commodore Porter, while on 
a, distant station, which that ardent and somewhat inde- 
pendent officer took the liberty, for reasons deemed by him 
sufficient, to disregard. When the despatch came, bearing 
this intelligence, the Secretary of the Navy himself waited 
on the President to communicate it. Monroe's face turned 
crimson ; his eyes flashed fire ; and starting up and pacing 
the room he exclaimed, ' the fellow ! does he dispute my 
orders ? He shall fight me ! I'll call him out the moment 



136 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

he get" home.' There spoke out the man. It was not, the 
President of the United States which spoke, but it waa 
James Monroe. Taking Porter's conduct as a personal 
affront, his very first idea was to call him to the field, and 
make him abide the issue at the pistol's mouth. A curious 
interview they would have had of it, had not the prudence of 
the chief magistrate checked the fiery ardor of the soldier. 
Monroe's public conduct was eminent for prudence, and 
always marked by good sense ; these sketches, and a careful 
estimate of what Avas due to his position. 

" Monroe was hospitable, cheerful among his friends, and 
a pleasant table companion. He had, however, no powers 
of anecdote ; in fact he had but one story, which he often 
told, and which nobody enjoyed more than himself. He 
had a black servant who waited upon him, and who was a 
genuine specimen of the Virginia negro. On one occasion 
it had been necessary for his master to rise very early in 
order to set out on a journey, and fearful lest he should 
over-sleep himself, he ordered Tone to spread his pallet by 
the side of his bed, and call him at the first dawn of day. 
A little before daylight Mr. Monroe's anxiety awoke him 
without foreign aid, while poor Tone's nose gave unmistakable 
evidence that he was still enjoying that deep, untroubled re- 
pose, which God has given to be the solace of the slave. 
Arousing him with his foot, his master called out : 

" ' Tone, you dog, are you asleep yet ? did I not tell you 
u> call me early ? get up, you lazy devil, and look out, and 
let me know what sort of a morning it is.' 

"Tone bandied up, and blundering through the chamber 
opened a door, paused, and shutting it again, came to his 
master's bedside and reported, 

" Bery dark morning, master, and smell ob cheese." 



JAMES MONROE. lo7 

" Poor sleepy Tone had opened the door into a pantry, in 
stead of that which led out of doors. 

" President Monroe had a great personal respect for General 
Brown, whose bravery on the frontier had done so much for 
the national renown, and whose painful wound, still unhealed, 
rendered him an object of much and deserved sympathy from 
his countrymen. The general's position, as commander-in- 
chief brought him into frequent contact with the President, 
and as brave military men they had much common ground. 
Brown too, possessed a sound penetrating judgment, and 
much tact in the knowledge of mankind. Monroe availed 
himself often of his advice, and it seemed to me that the in- 
fluence thus obtained over the mind of the President was at 
least equal to that of any of his cabinet. Calhoun, then 
Secretary of War, was fast rising into distinction, and his 
eagle eye was fixed on the presidential chair. The delicate 
operation of reducing the army was in progress, and Brown's 
co-operation was important both to him and his superior. 
No man thought more highly of Monroe than he. 

" The presidential mansion felt deeply the absence of Mrs. 
Madison. She had given it its charm, her smile was its light, 
her countenance 'the Cynosure of neighboring eyes,' Mra. 
Monroe was entirely a different woman. In miserable health, 
averse by nature, still more averse from religious principle, 
from all worldly pomp and display, she lived retired, and 
never appeared in the drawing room. I never saw her ; but 
all who knew her, praised her, and those who were most 
intimate with her loved her best." 







&&y * *' i/fts 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

A long career of public usefulness, great capacity, ox- 
tensive information, and a spirit of lofty patriotism and in- 
dependence, entitle John Quincy Adams to the lasting 
remembrance of his countrymen. That his father had filled 
the presidential chair was a singular distinction ; but it was 
rather a drawback than an aid to him in his upward course. 
The people of the United States have ever been watchful 
foes to hereditary office-holding, and even the rare talents 
of the younger Adams could not induce them to give a cor- 
dial sanction to his elevation to the high seat which his fa- 
ther had occupied. When that honor was accorded to him, 
it was nothing more than the just reward of his individual 
merit. 

John Quincy Adams was born in Boston, on the 11th of 
of July, 1767. His father, John Adams, was engaged in 
the practice of the law, and rapidly rising in reputation. 
The name of John Quincy was derived from a great grand- 
father, who had been a man of note in the province of Massa- 
chusetts, about the commencement of the eighteenth century. 
The boyhood of the younger Adams was the period of the 
revolution, in the principles of which he was baptized. John 
Adams and his worthy wife were earnest promoters of the 

139 



110 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

great struggle. Both were truly patriotic. During his first 
years, Mrs. Adams herself taught her son the elements of 
English. John Quincy seems to have been very quick of 
comprehension. When only nine years of age, he wrote to 
his father the following letter : 

Braintree, June 2d, 1777. 
Dear Sir : 

I love to receive letters very well ; much better thnn I 
love to write them. I make but a poor figure at composi- 
tion. My head is much too fickle. My thoughts are running 
after bird's eggs, play, and trifles, till I get vexed with my- 
self. Mamma has a troublesome task to keep me a study- 
ing. I own I am ashamed of myself. I have just entered 
the third volume of Rollin's History, but designed to have 
got half through it by this time. I am determined this 
week to be more diligent. Mr. Thaxter is absent at Court 
I have set myself a stint this week, to read the third volume 
half out. If I can but keep my resolution, I may again at 
the end of the week give a better account of myself. I wish, 
sir, you would give me in writing, some instructions with 
regard to the use of my time, and advise me how to propor- 
tion my studies and play, and I will keep them by me, and 
endeavor to follow them. 

With the present determination of growing better, I am, 
lear sir, your son, John Quincy Adams. 

p # g. Si r — If you will be so good as to favor me with a 
blank book, I will transcribe the most remarkable passages 
I meet with in my reading, which will serve to fix them unon 
my mird."* 

* Seward. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 141 

In 1778, John Adams was appointed to fill the place of 
Silas Deane, as minister to the court of Louis Sixteenth, 
and he resolved to take his son, then eleven years old, with 
him, and to give him the advantages of an education at the 
Eur pean schools. They remained in Paris ahout a year 
and a half, during which time John Quincy attended a public 
Bchool, and, in his leisure hours, derived instruction from 
the conversation of his father, Dr. Franklin, and other dis- 
tinguished persons, by whom he was much loved and ad- 
mired. His rapid progress in knowledge was observed 
with great delight by his illustrious father. It was a pre- 
cious object to John Adams that his son should be a good 
and useful, if not a great, man, and the attention which he 
bestowed upon his training, was as constant as public duties 
would permit. Father and son returned to America. But 
in the fall of 1779, John Adams was appointed minister to 
the court of St. James, and he again crossed the Atlantic, 
taking John Quincy with him. They remained at Paris 
until August, 1780. John Quincy was sent to an academy, 
where he was a diligent student. 

The minister then repaired to Holland, to negotiate. 
While in that country, the younger Adams was placed at 
school, first at Amsterdam, and afterwards at the Univer- 
sity of Leyden. We have good assurance that these oppor- 
tunities for acquiring knowledge were not neglected by John 
Quincy ; for in July, 1781, when Francis Dana was ap- 
pointed minister to Russia, the younger Adams, though but 
fourteen years old, received the post of private secretary of 
the mission. He remained in this situation fourteen montli3, 
giving perfect satisfaction. 

He returned from St. Petersburg to Holland, alone, — a 
good evidence of his self-confidence and knowledge. On 



142 LIVES OF TIIE PRESIDENTS. 

arriving in Holland, he resumed his studies at the Hague 
But he was present at Paris, on the 30th of November, 1783, 
when peace was concluded between Great Britain on the 
one part, and France and the United States on the other, 
when the independence for which his father had struggled 
was recognised. He soon afterwards accompanied his father 
to London, where, in the course of 1784, Mrs. Adams 
joined them. While at the British metropolis, John Quincy 
Adams studied English literature, and had frequent oppor- 
tunities of listening to the great orators, Fox, Pitt, Burke, 
and Sheridan. Becoming apprehensive that his academic 
studies were being too much neglected, he obtained leave to 
return home in 1785. At the age of eighteen, he entered 
Cambridge University, where he graduated in 1788, with 
high honors. 

After leaving the University, young Adams went to New- 
buryport and commenced the study of the law, under the 
learned Theophilus Parsons. Having completed the usua. 
term of preparation, he was admitted to practise, at Boston. 
For three or four years he was nearly briefless, and had fre- 
quent cause for despondency. But circumstances arose, of 
which he skilfully took advantage to get into public esteem. 
The French Revolution was differently regarded by the fede- 
ral and republican parties which upreared their heads at tho 
commencement of Washington's administration. French 
political ideas, tending to overthrow all the decent restraints 
of society Avere received and advocated by the republicans, 
while the federalists went to the monarchical extreme. John 
Quincy Adams held singular views; and in 1701, he pub- 
lished in the Boston Centinel, a series of articles, signed 
Publicola, in which he discussed, with great ability and 
force of style, the wild notions of the French political writers. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 143 

These article^ attracted much attention both at home and 
abroad. They were republished in England, and admired 
by Fox and Windham. They were generally attributed to 
the elder Adams. In 1793, John Quincy Adams published 
another series of articles, in the Boston Centinel, under the 
signature of " Marcellus," advocating the policy of neutrality 
for the United States, during the European wars. These 
papers attracted general attention and had the desired effect 
upon the public mind. Washington read them with deep 
satisfaction, and inquired for their author. The policy recom- 
mended was in opposition to popular notions, and it is believed 
had not been before publicly advocated in the United States. 
That it was adopted by sage statesmen and made the perma- 
nent guide of the government, was a brilliant testimony to 
the wisdom of the young Adams. The next public appear- 
ance of the young Boston lawyer was in a series of essays, 
under the signature of " Columbus," reviewing the violent 
course of Genet, the minister from the French republic to the 
United States. 

These important writings of the younger Adams brought 
him prominently before the public and won for him the hio-h 
esteem of statesmen. Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State, 
considered them full of the brightest promise. He recom- 
mended young Adams to the favor of President Washington, 
as one fitted for diplomatic service. The President approved 
the judgment of Jefferson, and in May, 1794, appointed Mr. 
Adams minister of the United States at the Hague. This 
was as gratifying as it was unexpected. John Quincy Adami 
was then only twenty-Sevan years old. Seldom has so 
weighty a trust been placed in such youthful hands. 

Mr. Adams arrived at the Hague, in the summer of 1791. 
The affairs of Holland were in confusion, in consequence of 



144 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the French invasion. No prospect of effecting any thing 
beneficial to the United States appeared, and a few months 
after his arrival, Mr. Adams thought of returning home. 
President Washington, hearing of his intention, wrote to the 
Vice President, John Adams, expressing the hope that the 
young minister would remain at his post, and prophesying 
that he would one day be at the head of the diplomatic corp3. 
This high approval induced John Quincy Adams to yield 
his inclinations. He remained abroad at the Hague, until 
near the close of Washington's administration, attentively 
studying European affairs, and watching for every oppor- 
tunity of advancing the interests of his country. 

During his residence at the Hague, Mr. Adams had occa- 
sion to visit London, to exchange ratifications of a treaty 
formed with Great Britain concerning commerce. While 
there, he formed an acquaintance with Miss Louisa Catha- 
rine Johnson, daughter of Joshua Johnson, Esq., consular 
agent of the United States, at London. This acquaintance 
deepened into an affection, and the parties were married on 
the 26th of July, 1797. The union was long and happy. 

In 1796, the elder Adams was elevated to the Presidency. 
The course to be pursued towards his son perplexed the dis- 
interested old patriot. He consulted Washington, and was 
advised by that great man not to withhold merited promotion 
from John Quincy Adams upon any consideration. Wash- 
ington expressed the opinion that the young minister was 
the most valuable public character abroad. President Adams 
then appointed his son minister to the court of Berlin, upon 
the dutiss of which office he entered in the fall of 17!»7. 

In 1798, Mr. Adams was commissioned to form a commer- 
cial treaty with Sweden. While in Berlin, he made the ac- 
quaintance of many eminent German scholars and poets, 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 145 

and displayed much sympathy with their pursuits. To per- 
fect his knowledge of the German language, Mr. Adams 
made a metrical translation of Wieland's " Obcron," into 
the English language. The publication of this work, how- 
ever, was forestalled by the translation made by William 
Sotheby. 

In the summer of 1800, Mr. Adams made a tour through 
Silesia, with which he was delighted. His impressions dur- 
ing the excursion were communicated in a series of letters 
to a younger brother in Philadelphia. These, without their 
author's knowledge, were published in the United States and 
in Europe. The information contained in them was consi- 
dered very valuable. 

Mr. Adams was successful, after a protracted and skilful 
negotiation, in forming a treaty of amity and commerce with 
Prussia. The penetration and vigilance of the young mini- 
ster were fully tried in the contest with wily and veteran diplo- 
matists, and he came off with increased reputation. On the 
4th of March, 1801, John Adams was succeeded, as Presi- 
dent of the United States, by Mr. Jefferson. One of the last 
acts of the elder Adams was the recall of his son from Ber- 
lin, that Mr. Jefferson might not be perplexed with the 
matter. 

John Quincy Adams returned to the United States in 1801, 
He was no partisan, having been absent from the country 
when parties were formed. His talents and acquirements 
were well known, and he was not allowed to remain lono- in 
inactivity. In 1802, he was elected to the senate of Massa- 
chusetts from the Boston district. In that body he acted 
with that independent and fearless spirit which was ever his 
great characteristic. Though he took unpopular sides he did 
not lose favor. In 1803, he was elected to the senate of the 



1-16 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

United State?, in which body he took his seat when but 
thirty-six years old. 

As a senator, John Quincy Adams soon displayed qualities 
noble in themselves, but calculated to render him unpopular 
with the federal party, by whose suffrage he had been elected. 
The British orders in council, and Napoleon's Berlin and 
Milan decrees threatened to sweep the commerce of the 
United States from the seas. Outrage after outrage was 
committed upon American vessels. President Jefferson at 
length resolved upon the retaliatory measure known as the 
"Embargo." (December, 1807.) The federal party stoutly 
opposed this Embargo, and it was expected that its senators 
and representatives who had been chosen by that party, 
should urge its repeal. Mr. Adams thought President Jef- 
ferson's policy just and expedient, and gave it his sup- 
port. This course subjected him to severe and bitter cen- 
sure, and he was charged with acting from every motive but 
the true one — a desire to promote the honor and welfare of 
the Union. The legislature of Massachusetts disapproved 
of the course pursued by Mr. Adams, and elected another 
person to supply his place at the expiration of his term. 
Mr. Adams did not wish to represent a body of which he had 
lost the confidence, and he therefore resigned his seat in the 
senate, March, 1808. 

The reputation of Mr. Adams for literary acquirements, 
equaled his fame as a statesman. In 1804, he was urged 
to be a candidate for the presidency of Cambridge Univer- 
sity ; but he declined the honor. During the following 
year, he was appointed Professor of Rhetoric and Belled 
Lettres, in "die same institution. This office he accepted on 
condition tna* its duties should not interfere with his con- 
gressional services. On the 12th of June, 1800, Mr. Adams 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 147 

delivered his inaugural address, on entering the professor- 
ship. His lectures on rhetoric and eloquence were popular, 
and attracted great crowds. 

On the 4th of March, 1809, Mr. Madison began his 
eventful administration. Hcving a proper appreciation of 
the talents and experience of Mr. Adams, he gave him the 
important post of minister to Russia. In the following 
summer, Mr. Adams sailed for St. Petersburg. He was 
received with many marks of favor, and admitted to per- 
sonal intimacy with the Emperor Alexander. During his 
residence in Russia, the death of Judge Cushing caused a 
vacancy on the bench of the supreme court of the United 
States. President Madison nominated Mr. Adams to this 
high office, and the nomination was confirmed by the senate. 
But Mr. Adams declined its acceptance. 

While sojourning at St. Petersburg, Mr. Adams wrote a 
series of letters to his son, then at school in Massachusetts, 
on the value of the Bible and the benefit resulting from its 
daily perusal. These letters, which were honorable to the head 
and heart of their author, have been published since his de- 
cease. Mr. Adams, like his father, had faith in the Unita- 
rian doctrines ; but was a practical Christian, and never let 
himself be swayed by sectarian feeling. 

The influence obtained by the American minister, at the 
court of St. Petersburg, was turned to the best account. 
The Emperor Alexander was induced to make an offer of 
his mediation between the United States and Great Britain. 
President Madison signified his acceptance of this offer, and 
appointed Messrs. Adams, Bayard, and Gallatin, to conduct 
the negotiation. To these commissioners were afterwards 
added Messrs. Clay and Russel. Great Britain refused to 
treat under the mediation of Russia, but proposed to nego- 



14:8 LIVE?, OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

tiate independently with the United States. In the famous 
negotiations at Ghent, in 1814, Mr. Adams took a leading 
part, and contributed much to bringing about a good under- 
standing between the hostile countries, as well as to the vin- 
dication of the rights of his nation. The conduct of the 
American commissioners was eulogized by the Marquis of 
cf Wellesley, and it gave great satisfaction in the United 
States. 

After the conclusion of their labors at Ghent, Messrs. 
Adams, Gallatin, and Clay, were directed to proceed to 
London, and, if possible, to negotiate a commercial treaty. 
This was accomplished without much difficulty, and in the 
meantime, Mr. Adams was appointed minister to the court 
of St. James — the most important diplomatic situation at 
the command of the American government. 

On the 4th of March, 1817, Mr. Monroe succeeded Mr. 
Madison in the office of President of the United States. As 
Secretary of State, he had possessed the best opportunities 
for observing the diplomatic talents and great political 
knowledge manifested by Mr. Adams in Europe, and he 
now selected that gentleman to take charge of the depart- 
ment of state. Mr. Adams was known to be an independent 
as well as an able man. Against him there was no party 
rancor. The appointment gave great satisfaction to the 
friends of the President and the people generally. 

Mr. Adams arrived at New York on the 6th of June, 
1817. A few days afterwards a public dinner was given him 
by a large number of distinguished citizens, with Governor 
De Witt Clinton at their head. Another public dinner 
was given him upon his arrival in Boston, at which his vene- 
rable father, ex-president Adams, was present as a guest. 

Entering upon the duties of the office of Secretary of 



JOIIN QUINCY ADAMS. 149 

State, in September, 1817, Mr. Adams acquitted himself 
to the satisfaction of the President and the country, during 
the eight years of Mr. Monroe's administration. The fo- 
reign affairs of the country were never more skilfully handled. 
Peace and neutrality were preserved through all difficulties, 
while the honor of the nation was never allowed to be sullied. 

At the close of the administration of Mr. Monroe, the 
federal party was extinct. All the candidates for the suc- 
cession were members of the republican party. The East 
brought forward the man who by his superior statesmanship 
had become its "favorite son" — John Quincy Adams. The 
West upheld two names — General Andrew Jackson, who 
possessed a splendid military reputation — and Henry Clay, 
one of the first orators and most active statesmen of the day. 
The South selected William H. Crawford, a statesman of 
commanding talent, as its candidate. Of these personages, 
Mr. Adams least sought the presidential office. He allowed 
his name to stand before the people, at the urgent request 
of a large body of admiring friends. 

" The qualifications on which his supporters depended, 
and to which they called the attention of the American 
people, as reasons for elevating him to the head of the ge- 
neral government, may be summarily enumerated, as fol- 
lows : — 1. The purity of his private character — the simpli- 
city of his personal habits — his unbending integrity and up- 
rightness, even beyond suspicion. 2. His commanding 
talents, and his acquirements both as a scholar and a states- 
man. 3. His love of country — his truly American feelings, 
in all that concerned the welfare and the honor of the United 
States. 4. His long experience in public affairs, especially 
his familiarity with our foreign relations, and his perfect 
knowledge of the institutions, the internal condition and 



150 LIVES ( F THE PRESIDENTS. 

policy of European nations. 5. His advocacy of protection 
to domestic manufactures, and of a judicious system of 
internal improvements."* 

The campaign of 1824, was very exciting. The greatest 
zeal and energy was displayed by the friends of the several 
candidates. Of two hundred and sixty-one electoral votes, 
General Jackson received ninety-nine ; Mr. Adams, eighty- 
four ; Mr. Crawford, forty-one; and Mr. Clay, thirty-seven, 
There being no choice by the people, the election devolved 
on the house of representatives. On the 10th of February, 
1825, that body proceeded to vote by states, according to 
the constitution, and the result was ascertained to be as fol- 
lows : — For John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, thirteen 
votes ; for Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, seven votes ; for 
William H. Crawford, of Georgia, four votes. John Quincy 
Adams, therefore, was declared duly elected President of 
the United States, for four years, commencing on the 4th 
of March, 1825. 

The choice of Mr. Adams by the house of representatives 
excited a o-reat deal of clamor among the friends of General 
Jackson. This was unreasonable. General Jackson had 
received fifteen more electoral votes than Mr. Adams, but the 
latter was superior in the popular vote. However, much 
bitter feeling was excited, and it was ever charged that a 
bargain had been made between Messrs. Clay and Adams, 
by the terms of which, the latter was to be chosen Pre- 
sident upon condition that the former should be appointed 
Secretary of State. This charge has been completely refuted. 
Ft could not have been made except in partisan heat. John 
C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was elected Vice President; 
by a large majority in the electoral college. 
* Seward, 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 151 

On the 4th of March, 1825, John Quincy Adams was 
inaugurated as President of the United States. The cere- 
monies were brilliant and imposing. Seldom before had 
such a scene been witnessed at* Washington. The inaugural 
address of Mr. Adams was a statesman-like and polished 
composition, doing full justice to his political and rhetorical 
attainments. He thus spoke of the policy of the preceding 
administration, which he entirely sanctioned : 

" The great features of its policy, and in general concur- 
rence with the will of the legislature, have been — To cher- 
ish peace while preparing for defensive war — to yield exact 
justice to other nations, and maintain the rights of our own — 
to cherish the principles of freedom and equal rights, where- 
ever they were proclaimed — to discharge, with all possible 
promptitude, the national debt — to reduce within the nar 
rowest limits of efficiency the military force — to improve the 
organization and discipline of the army — to provide and sus- 
tain a school of military science — to extend equal protection 
to all the great interests of the nation — to promote the civi- 
lization of the Indian tribes ; and — to proceed to the great 
Bystem of internal improvements, within the limits of the 
constitutional power of the Union. Under the pledge of 
these promises, made by that eminent citizen at the time of 
his first induction to this office, in his career of eight years 
the internal taxes have been repealed ; sixty millions of the 
public debt have been discharged ; provision has been made 
for the comfort and relief of the aged and indigent among 
the surviving warriors of the Revolution ; the regular armed 
force has been reduced, and its constitution revised and per- 
fected; the accountability for the expenditure of public mo- 
nies has been more effective ; the Flor'das have been peace- 
ably acquired, and our boundary has been extended to the 



152 LIVES OF THE I RESIDENTS. 

Pacific Ocean ; the independence of the southern nations of 
this hemisphere has been recognized, and recommended Ivy 
example and by counsel to the potentates of Europe; pro- 
gress has been made in the defence of the country, by forti- 
fications and the increase of the navy — towards the effectual 
supr ression of the African traffic in slaves — in alluring the 
aboriginal hunters of our land to the cultivation of the soil 
and of the mind — in exploring the interior regions of the 
Union, and in preparing, by scientific researches and surveys 
for the further application of our national resources to the 
internal improvement of our country." 

In entering upon the discharge of his duties as President, 
Mr. Adams formed his cabinet by nominating Henry Clay, 
of Kentucky, Secretary of State ; Richard Rush, of Penn- 
sylvania, Secretary of the Treasury ; James Barbour, of 
Virginia, Secretary of War ; Samuel L. Southard, Secretary 
of the Navy ; and William Wirt, Attorney General. These 
were all men of well-known capacity and integrity. A power- 
ful opposition was organized, but Mr. Adams, throughout 
his presidential term, discharged his duties with the utmost 
fearlessness, as well as with consummate ability, and the 
clamors of violent partisans were treated with contempt. 

In the year of the inauguration of Mr. Adams, the vete- 
ran General Lafayette visited the United States, made the 
tour of the country, and was every where received with en- 
thusiasm and expressions of gratitude for revolutionary ser- 
vices. On the 7th of September, 1825, he took leave of 
the general government. On this occasion, President Adams 
bade him farewell in an address, not more remarkable for 
dignified eloquence than for generous emotion. 

In the same month, the President visited bis aged father, 
at Quincy, Massachusetts. It was his last interview with 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 153 

the old patriot. On the 4th of July, 1826, John Adama 
and his compatriot, Thomas Jefferson, left the earth together*, 
amid the rejoicings of " Independence Day." 

The aims of President Adams were to conciliate all rar 
ties and to benefit the whole country, and his administr ition 
was certainly wise and energetic. Internal improvements 
and domestic manufactures were objects of constant solici- 
tude. The first tended to strengthen the Union, the second 
to render it truly independent. The Secretary of State 
was active and skilful. During the four years of Mr. Adams's 
administration, more treaties were negotiated at Washington 
than during the entire thirty-six years through which the 
preceding administrations had extended. 

Throughout the administration of Mr. Adams, the opposition 
was strong, bitter, and unscrupulous. Most of the measures 
of the government were approved, But there was a deter- 
mination manifest to seek out every occasion to denounce 
the President and his cabinet. In Congress, the opposition 
had a majority. In the fall of 1828, the presidential elec- 
tion occurred. Mr. Adams and General Jackson were the 
opposing candidates. The contest was highly exciting. Put 
the result was anticipated. General Jackson obtained a 
large majority in the electoral college. As Mr. Adams had 
taken his lofty seat with diffidence, he retired from it with 
dignity and without regret. He was satisfied that he had 
done his duty. 

After witnessing the inauguration of General Jackson, on 
the 4th of March, 1829, Mr. Adams retired to the old fa- 
mily seat at Quincy, Massachusetts. One of his first acts 
there, was the erection of a monument to the memory of hia 
parents. The inscription contained a glowing eulogy upon 
their virtue and patriotism, and was honorable to the feel- 



154 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

ings of the noble son. Scientific and literary pursuits, as 
well as tlie conversation of friends, now occupied the atten- 
tion of the ex-president. But the public voice demanded 
new service. In 1830, the people of the Plymouth district 
nominated him for their representative in Congress, and, 
contrary to general expectation, he accepted the nomination 
It was his constant creed, that whatever service the country 
demanded of a citizen, that he was bound to render, and no 
false idea of dignity could deter him from acting accordingly 
In due time the election was held, and Mr. Adams was re 
turned to Congress, by a nearly unanimous vote. From that 
time forward, for seventeen years, and to the hour of his 
death, he occupied the post of representative in Congress 
from the Plymouth district, with unswerving fidelity and 
honor. His course was ever bold, decided, and independent. 
He was a ready and powerful debater, and won the title of 
" the old man eloquent." No subject came before Congress 
upon which he could not shed light, while his devotion to 
principle and to the rights of man was untiring, and, on par- 
ticular occasions, heroic. Mr. Adams first took his seat in 
the house of representatives in December, 1831. The marks 
of respect and affection received by him from distinguished 
representatives were many and gratifying. Those who had 
refused even justice to the President were willing to render 
the man his due. As a member of committees, Mr. Adams 
was diligent and attentive, while it was a matter of general 
nute, that he was usually the first representative to enter 
the house and the last to leave it. He acted in general, 
with the whigs, as the opponents of Jackson and Van Burcn 
were called, but when he thought that party wrong, he did 
not hesitate to oppose it, and support the administration. 
Courageous independence was his noblest trait as a states- 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 155 

man. Whatever opinions may be entertained in regard to 
the wisdom of Mr. Adam's opposition to the Texas inde- 
pendence and annexation scheme, and of his advocacy of the 
the right of petition touching the institution of slavery, all 
must admire the firmness, the perseverance, the almost sub- 
lime determination he displayed in maintaining his doctrines, 
amid tempests of abuse and denunciation, as well as threats 
of expulsion and assassination. 

Upon all subjects, but slavery, Mr. Adams could com- 
mand the respectful attention of the house. The confidence 
placed in him in emergencies was unbounded. A case in 
point is afforded in the difficulty occasioned by the double 
delegation from New Jersey, which is thus given in the 
famous " Reminiscences of John Quincy Adams," by an Old 
Colony Man : 

On the opening of the 26th Congress, in December, 1839, 
in consequence of a two-fold delegation from New Jersey, 
the house was unable, for some time, to complete its organiza- 
tion, and presented to the country and the world the perilous 
and discreditable aspect of the assembled representatives 
of the people, unable to form themselves into a constitutional 
body. On first assembling, the house has no officers, and 
the clerk of the preceding Congress acts, by usage, as chair- 
man of the body, till a speaker is chosen. On this occasion, 
after reaching the state of New Jersey, the acting clerk de- 
clined to proceed in calling the roll, and refused to entertain 
any of the motions which were made for the purpose of ex- 
tricating the house from its embarrassment. Many of the 
ablest and most judicious members had addressed the house 
in vain, and there was nothing but confusion and disorder in 
prospect. 

The fourth day opened, and still confusion was triumphant. 



156 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

But the hour of disenthralment was at hand, and a scene 
was presented which set the mind back to those days when 
Cromwell uttered the exclamation — " Sir Harry Vane ! wo 
unto you, Sir Harry Vane !" — and in an instant dispersed 
the famous Rump Parliament. 

Mr. Adams, from the opening of this scene of confusion 
and anarchy, had maintained a profound silence. He ap- 
peared to be engaged most of the time in writing. To a 
common observer, he seemed to be reckless of everything 
around him — but nothing, not the slightest incident escaped 
him. The fourth day of the struggle had now commenced ; 
Mr. Kuo-h H. Garland, the clerk, was directed to call the 
roll again. 

He commenced with Maine, as was usual in those days, 
and was proceeding towards Massachusetts. I turned, and 
saw that Mr. Adams was ready to get the floor at the earliest 
moment possible. His keen eye was riveted on the clerk ; 
his hands clasped the front edge of his desk, where he always 
placed them to assist him in rising. He looked, in the 
language of Otway, like the 

" fowler eager for his prey." 



"New Jersey!" ejaculated Mr. Hugh II. Garland, "and 
;he clerk has to repeat that " 

Mr. Adams sprang to the floor ! 

"I rise to interrupt the clerk," was his first ejaculation. 

" Silence, silence," resounded through the hall; " heai 
him, hear him. Hear what he has to say ; hear John 
Quincy Adams !" was the unanimous ejaculation on all sides. 
In an instant the most profound silence reigned throughout 
the hall — you might have heard a leaf of paper drop in any 
part of it — and every eye was riveted on the venerable 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 157 

Nestor of Massachusetts — the purest of statesmen, aL(l the 
noblest of men! He paused for a moment; and, having 
given Mr. Garland a 

•' withering look ! " 



he proceeded to address the multitude : 

" It was not my intention," said he, " to take any part 
in these extraordinary proceedings. I had hoped that this 
house would succeed in organizing itself; that a speaker 
and clerk would be elected, and that the ordinary business 
of legislation would be progressed in. This is not the time, 
or place, to discuss the merits of the conflicting claimants 
for seats from New Jersey ; that subject belongs to the 
house of representatives, which, by the constitution, is made 
the ultimate arbiter of the qualifications of its members. 
But what a spectacle we here present ! We degrade and 
disgrace ourselves ; we degrade and disgrace our constituents 
and the country. We do not, and cannot organize ; and 
why ? Because the clerk of this house, the mere clerk, 
whom we create, whom we employ, and whose existence de- 
pends upon our will, usurps the throne, and sets us, the re- 
presentatives, the vicegerents of the whole American people, 
at defiance, and holds us in contempt ! And what is this clerk 
of yours ? Is he to control the destinies of sixteen millions 
of freemen ? Is he to suspend, by his mere negative, the 
functions of government, and put an end to this Congress ? 
He refuses to call the roll ! It is in your power to compel 
him to call it, if he will not do it voluntarily. [Here he 
was interrupted by a member, who said that he was autho- 
rized to say that compulsion could not reach the clerk, who 
had avowed that he would resign, rather than call the state 
of New Jersey.] Well, sir, then let him resign," continued 



158 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Mr. Adams, " and Ave may possibly discover some way by 
which we can get along, without the aid of his all-powerful 
talent, learning, and geniu3. If we cannot organize in any 
other way — if this clerk of yours will not consent to our 
discharging the trusts confided to us by our constituents, 
then let us imitate the example of the Virginia house of bur- 
gesses, which, when the colonial Governor Dinwiddie ordered 
it to disperse, refused to obey the imperious and insulting 
mandate, and, like men " 

The multitude could not contain or repress their enthu- 
siasm any longer, but saluted the eloquent and indignant 
speaker, and intercepted him with loud and deafening cheers, 
which seemed to shake the capitol to its centre. The very 
Genii of applause and enthusiasm seemed to float in the atmo- 
sphere of the hall, and every heart expanded with an inde- 
scribable feeling of pride and exultation. The turmoil, the 
darkness, the very " chaos of anarchy," which had, for three 
successive days, pervaded the American Congress, was dis- 
pelled by the magic, the talismanic eloquence of a single 
man ; and once more the wheels of government and of legis- 
lation were put in motion. 

Having, by this powerful appeal, brought the yet unor- 
ganized assembly to a perception of its hazardous position, 
he submitted a motion requiring the acting clerk to proceed 
in calling the roll. This and similar motions had already 
been made by other members. The difliculty was, that the 
acting clerk declined to entertain them. Accordingly, Mr. 
Adams was immediately interrupted by a burst of voices de- 
manding, " How shall the question be put?" " Who will 
put the question ?" The voice of Mr. Adams was heard above 
the tumult, "I intend to put the question myself!" That 
word brought order out of chaos. There was the master mind. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 159 

As soon as the multitude had recovered itself, and the ex- 
citement of irrepressible enthusiasm had abated, Mr. Rich- 
ard Barnwell Rhett, of South Carolina, leaped upon one of 
the desks, waved his hand, and exclaimed : 

"I move that the Honorable John Quincy Adams take 
the chair of the speaker of this house, and officiate as pre- 
siding officer, till the house be organized by the election of 
its constitutional officers ! As many as are agreed to this will 
say ay ; those " 

He had not an opportunity to complete the sentence — 
" those who are not agreed, will say no," — for one universal, 
deafening, thundering ay, responded to the nomination. 

Hereupon, it was moved and ordered that Lewis Williams, 
of North Carolina, and Richard Barnwell Rhett, conduct 
John Qumcv Adams to the chair. 

Well did Mr. Wise, of Virginia, say, " Sir, I regard it as 
the proudest hour of your life ; and if, when you shall be 
gathered to your fathers, I were asked to select the words 
which, in my judgment, are best calculated to give at once 
the character of the man, I would inscribe upon your tomb 
this sentence, ' I will put the question myself.' " 

The labors of Mr. Adams in behalf of the right of peti- 
tion were at length crowned with success. In 1845, the 
obnoxious "gag rule," was rescinded, and Congress con- 
sented to receive and treat respectfully all petitions on the 
subject of slavery. 

" If any thing were wanting to crown the fame of Mr. 
Adams, in the last days of life, with imperishable honor, or 
to add, if possible, new brilliancy to the beams of his setting 
sun, it is found in his advocacy of the freedom of the Ami- 
stad slaves. 

" A. ship-load of negroes had been stolen from Africa, 



100 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

contrary to the laws of nations, of humanity, and of Grod, 
and surreptitiously smuggled, in the night, into the Island 
of Tuba. This act was piracy, according to the law of 
Spain, and of all governments in Christendom, and the per- 
petrators thereof, had they been dectected, -would have 
been punished with death. Immediately after the landing 
of these unfortunate Africans, about thirty-six of them were 
purchased of the slave pirates, by two Spaniards, named 
Don dose Ruiz and Don Pedro Montes, who shipped them 
for Gruanaja, Cuba, in the schooner 'Amistad.' When 
three (lays out from Havana, the Africans rose, hilled the 
captain and crew, and took possession of the vessel — sparing 
the lives of their purchasers, Ruiz and Montes. This trans- 
action was unquestionably justifiable on the part of the ne- 
groes. Thev had been stolen from their native land — had 
fallen into the hands of pirates and robbers, and reduced to 
abject slavery. According to the first law ol' nature — the 
law of self-defence — implanted in the bosom of every human 
being by the Creator, they were justified in taking any 
measures necessary to restore them to the enjoyment of that 
freedom which was theirs by birthright. 

" The negroes being unable to manage the schooner, com- 
pelled Ruiz and Montes to navigate her. and directed them 
to shape her course for Africa ; for it was their design to 
return to their native land. Rut they were deceived by 
the two Spaniards, who brought the schoonei to the coast 
of the United States, where she was taken possession of by 
Lieutenant Gedney, of the United States surveying brig 
Washington, a few miles oft' Montauk Point, and brought 
mto New London, Connecticut. The two Spaniards claimed 
the Africans as their property ; and the Spanish minister 
demanded oi' the President oi' the United States, that 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 16] 

they be delivered up to the proper authorites, ar,d taken 
oack to Havana, to be tried for piracy and murder 
The matter was brought before the District Court of 
Connecticut. 

" In the mean time President Van Buren ordered the 
United States schooner Grampus, Lieutenant John S. Paine, 
to repaii to Now Haven, to be in readiness # to convey the 
Africans to Havana, .should such be the decision of the 
court. But the court decided that the government of the 
United States had no authority to return them into slavery ; 
and directed that they be conveyed in one of our public ships 
to the shores of Africa, from whence they had been torn 
away. From this decision the United States District 
Attorney appealed to the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 

These transactions attracted the attention of the whole 
people of the Union, and naturally excited the sympathy of 
f'n masses, pro and con as they were favorable or unfavor- 
able to the institution of slavery. Who should defend in the 
Supreme Court, these poor outcasts — ignorant, degraded, 
wretched — who, fired with a noble energy, had burst the 
shackles of slavery, and by a wave of fortune had been thrown 
into the midst of ;i people professing freedom, yet keeping 
their feet on the necks of millions of slaves ? The eyes of 
all the friends of human rights turned instinctively to Jojin 
Quincy Adams. Nor were their expectations disappointed. 
Without hesitation he espoused the cause of the Amistad 
negroes. At the age of seventy-four, he appeared in the 
supreme court of the United States to advocate their cause. 
lie entered upon this labor with the enthusiasm of* a youth- 
ful barrister, and displayed forensic talents, a critical know 
ledge of law, and of the inalienable rights of man, which 



162 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

would have added to the renown of the most eminent jurists 
of the day.* 

" When he went to the supreme court, after an absence 
of thirty years, and arose to defend a body of friendless 
negroes, torn from their home and most unjustly held in 
thrall — when he asked the judges to excuse him at once 
both for the trembling faults of age and the inexperience of 
youth, having labored so long elsewhere that he had for- 
gotten the rules of court — when he summed up the conclu- 
sion of the whole matter, and brought before those judicial 
but yet moistening eyes, the great men he had once met 
there — Chase, Cushing, Martin, Livingston, and Marshall 
himself ; and while he remembered that they were ' gone, 
gone, all gone,' remembered also the eternal Justice that is 
never gone — the sight was sublime. It was not an old pa 
tncian ot Koine, who had oeen Consul, Dictator, coming 
•>ut of his retirement at the Senate s call. r,o stand m tht 
Forum to levy new armies, marshal them to victory atresh, 
and gain thereby new laurels for his brow ; but it was a 
plain citizen of America, who had held an office far greater 
than that of Consul, King, or Dictator, his hand reddened 
by no man's blood, expecting no honors, but coming in the 
name of justice, to plead for the slave, for the poor barba- 
rian negro of Africa, for Cinque and Grabbo,' for their deeds 
comparing them to Harmodius and Aristogeiton, whose 
classic memory made each bosom thrill. Thut was worth 
all his honors — it was worth while to live fourscore years 

for that."t 

" This effort of Mr. Adams was crowned with complete 
success. The supreme court decided that the Africans were 
entitled to their freedom, and ordered them to be liberated 
* Seward, t Theodore Parker. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 168 

In due time they were enabled, by the assistance of the 
charitable, to sail for Africa, and take with them many of 
the implements of civilized life. They arrived in safety at 
Sierre Leone, and were allowed once more to mingle with 
their friends. 

" In availing the country of the benefit of the ' Smithso- 
nian Bequest,' and in founding the 'Smithsonian Institute' 
at Washington, Mr. Adams took an active part. He re- 
peatedly called the attention of Congress to the subject, 
until he succeeded in causing a Jbill to be passed providing 
for the establishment of the Institute. He was appointed 
one of the Regents of the Institute, which office he held 
until his death. 

" In the summer of 1848, Mr. Adams visited Lebanon 
Springs, New York, for the benefit of his health, which had 
become somewhat impaired, and also the health of a cherished 
member of his family. He designed to devote only four or 
five days to this journey ; but he was so highly pleased with 
the small portion of the state of New York he saw at Leba- 
non Springs, that he was induced to proceed further. He 
visited Saratoga, Lake George, Lower Canada, Montreal 
and Quebec. Returning, he ascended the St. Lawrence and 
the Lakes as far as Niagara Falls and Buffalo, and by the 
way of Rochester, Auburn, Utica and Albany, sought his 
home in Quincy with health greatly improved. 

" Although Mr. Adams had many bitter enemies — made 
so by his fearless independence, and the stern integrity 
with which he discharged the public duties entrusted to 
him — yet in the hearts of the people he ever occupied the 
highest position. They not only respected and admired the 
politician, the stitesman, but they venerated the man ! they 
loved him for hig purity, his philanthropy, his disinterested 



164 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

patriotism, hi3 devotion to freedom and human rights. All 
this was manifested during his tour through New York. It 
was marked in its whole extent by demonstration of the 
highest attention and respect from the people of all parties. 
Public greetings, processions, celebrations, met him and ac- 
companied him at every step of his journey. Never since 
the visit of Lafayette, had such an anxious desire to honor 
a great and good man been manifested by the entire mass of 
the people. His progress was one continued triumphal pro- 
cession. ' I may say,' exclaimed Mr. Adams, near the 
close of his tour, ' without being charged with pride or vanity 
I have come not alone, for the whole people of the state of 
New York have been my companions !' 

" At Buffalo he was received with every possible demon- 
stration of respect. The national ensign was streaming from 
an hundred masts, and the wharves, and the decks and rig- 
ging of vessels, were crowded by thousands anxious to catch 
a glimpse of the renowned statesman and patriot, who was 
greeted by repeated cheers. The Honorable Millard Fillmore 
addressed him with great eloquence. The following is the 
conclusion of his speech : 

"You see around you, sir, no political partisans seeking 
to promote some sinister purpose ; but you see here assem- 
bled the people of our infant city, without distinction of 
party, sex, age, or condition — all, all anxiously vieing with 
each other to show their respect and esteem for your public 
services and private worth. Here are gathered, in this vast 
multitude of what must appear to you strange faces, thou- 
sands whose hearts have vibrated to the chord of sympathy 
which your speeches have touched. Here is reflecting age, 
and ardent youth, and lisping childhood, to all of whom 
your venerated name is as dear as household words — all 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 165 

anxious to feast their eyes by a sight of that extraordinary 
and venerable man, of whom they have heard, and read of 
that ' old man eloquent,' on whose lips wisdom has distilled 
her choicest nectar. Here, sir, you see them all, and read 
in their eager and joy-gladdened countenances, and brightly 
beaming eyes, a welcome — a thrice-told, heart-felt, soul- 
stirring welcome to ' the man whom they delight to honor.' 

" Mr. Adams responded to this speech in a strain of most 
interesting remarks. He commenced as follows : 

"I must request your indulgence for a moment's pause 
to take breath. If you inquire why I ask this indulgence, 
it is because I am so overpowered by the eloquence of my 
friend, the chairman of the committee of ways and means, 
(whom I have so long been accustomed to refer to in that 
capacity, that, with your permission, I will continue so to 
denominate him now,) that I have no words left to answer 
him. For so liberal has he been in bestowing that eloquence 
upon me which he himself possesses in so eminent a degree, 
that while he was ascribing to me talents so far above my 
own consciousness in that regard, I was all the time implor- 
ing the god of eloquence to give me, at least at this moment, 
a few words to justify him before you in making that splendid 
panegyric which he has been pleased to bestow upon me ; 
and that the flattering picture which he has presented to 
you, may not immediately be defaced before your eyes by 
what you should hear from me. * * * * 

"In concluding his remarks, he said: 'Of your attach- 
ment to moral principles I have this day had another and 
pleasing proof in the dinner of which I have partaken in the 
steamer, in which, by your kindness, I have been conveyed 
to this place. It was a sumptuous dinner, but at which 
temperance was the presiding power. I congratulate you 



166 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



on the evidence there exhibited of your attachment to moral 
principle, in your co-operation in that great movement which 
is promoting the happiness and elevation of man in every 
quarter of the globe. 

" And here you will permit .me to allude to an incident 
which has occurred in my recent visit to Canada, in which 1 
perceived the co-operations of the people of that Province in 
the same great moral reformation. While at Quebec, I 
visited the Falls of Montmorenci, a cataract which, but for 
yours, would be among the greatest wonders of nature. In 
going to it, I passed through the parish of Beauport, and 
there, by the side of the way, I saw a column with an inscrip- 
tion upon its pedestal, which I had the curiosity to stop and 
read. It was erected by the people of Beauport in gratitude 
to the Virgin, for her goodness in promoting the cause of 
temperance in that parish. Perhaps I do not sufficiently 
sympathize with the people of Beauport in attributing to tlu 
Virgin so direct an influence upon this moral reform ; but 
in the spirit with which they erected that monument I do 
most cordially sympathize with them. For, under whatever 
influence the cause may be promoted, the cause itself can 
never fail to make its votaries wiser and better men. I can- 
not make a speech. My heart is too full, and my voice toe 
feeble. Farewell ! And with that farewell, may the blessings 
of heaven be upon you throughout your lives !" 

Mr. Adams was greatly delighted with his visit to Niagara 
Falls, and with his whole tour. 

During the same year he delivered numerous lectures 
before literary associations, and yet attended to his Congres- 
sional duties. Labors which would task the strength of 
vouth, he performed with comparative ease and comfort. 

"His great longevity and his general good health must 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 167 

be attributed, in no small degree, to his abstemious and tem- 
perate habits, early rising, and active exercise. He took 
pleasure in athletic amusements, and was exceedingly fond 
of walking. During his summer residence in Quincy, he haa 
been known to walk to his son's residence in Boston, (seven 
tciles,) befoi 3 breakfast. ' While President of the United 
States, he was probably the first man up in Washington, 
ighted his own fire, and was hard at work in his library, 
while sleep yet held in its obliviousness the great mass of his 
f ellow-citizens.' He was an expert swimmer, and was in the 
constant habit of bathing, whenever circumstance would 
permit. Not unfrequently the first beams of the rising sun, 
ts they fell upon the beautiful Potomac, would find Mr. 
Adams buffeting its waves with all the sportiveness and dex- 
terity of boyhood, while a single attendant watched upon 
the shore. While in the Presidency, he sometimes made a 
journey from Washington to Quincy on horseback, as a 
simple citizen, accompanied only by a servant."* 

More than fourscore years had wasted their strength 
upon the frame of Mr. Adams, and he was still found in 
the hall of representatives. There, at his post, the hand 
of death was laid upon his venerable head. On the 20th of 
November, 1846, he experienced the first blow of the dis- 
ease, which terminated his existence. On the morning of 
that day, at Boston, he was stricken with paralysis. This 
affliction confined him for several weeks, when he gained 
suffi/fient strength to proceed to Washington. After this 
3troke, he did not mingle as freely in debate as formerly. 
On the 21st of February, 1848, while voting for a resolu- 
tion returning thanks to several generals, who had distin- 
guished themselves in the Mexican war, Mr. Adams was 
• Seward. 



168 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

again struck with paralysis. The members crowded around 
him. The house adjourned amid the excitement. Mr. 
Adams was laid, in a state of insensibility, upon a sofa in 
the speaker's room. The senate adjourned as soon as in- 
formed of the accident. On all sides the deepest regret and 
sorrow was manifested. The elements of life and death 
continued in uncertain balance until the evening of the 23d, 
when the spirit fled to God. The last words of the vene- 
rable statesman were- — " This is the end of earth — I am 
content." 

The nation was thrown into mourning upon the announce 
ment of the death of John Quincy Adams. President Polk 
issued a proclamation announcing the bereavement, and 
directing the suspension of all public business upon the 
day of the funeral — the 26th of February. The body was 
laid, with imposing ceremony, in the Congressional burial- 
ground, where it remained until the next week, when a 
committee of one from each state and territory in the union, 
appointed by the house of representatives, conveyed it to 
the family burying ground, at Quincy. Funeral processions 
along the route gave indications of the national sorrow. 
The body was laid in a plain tomb, prepared by the direc- 
tion of the deceased statesman. Upon it was inscribed — 
John Quincy Adams — and nothing more — and nothing 
more was necessary. 

Numerous eulogiums have been pronounced upon ^he 
character of John Quincy Adams. Among the most elo- 
quent was that delivered by Governor William H. Seward, 
before the New York legislature. iTrora it we make the 
following extract : 

" The model by which he formed his character was Cicero. 
Not the living Cicero, sometimes inconsistent ; often irreso- 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 169 

lute ; too :>ften seeming to act a studied part ; and always 
covetous of applause. But Cicero, as he aimed to be, an'' 
as he appears revealed in those immortal emanations of his 
genius which have been the delight and guide of intellect 
and virtue in every succeeding age. Like the Roman, Adams 
was an orator, but he did not fall into the errors of the 
Roman, in practically valuing eloquence more than the 
beneficence to which it should be devoted. Like him he 
was a statesman and magistrate worthy to be called " The 
second founder of the Republic," — like him a teacher of 
didactic philosophy, of morals, and even of his own peculiar 
art ; and like him he made all liberal learning tributary to 
that nable art, while poetry was the inseparable companion 
of his genius in its hours of relaxation from the labors of 
the forum and of the capitol. 

"Like him he loved only the society of good men, and by 
his generous praise of such, illustrated the Roman's beautiful 
aphorism, that no one can be envious of good deeds, who 
has confidence in his own virtue. Like Cicero he kept him- 
self unstained by social or domestic vices ; preserved sere- 
nity and cheerfulness ; cherished habitual reverence for the 
Deity, and dwelt continually, not on the mystic theology of 
the schools, but on the hopes of a better life. He had lived 
in what will be regarded as the virtuous age of his country, 
while Cicero was surrounded by an overwhelming degene- 
racy. He had the light of Christianity for his guide ; and 
its sublime motives as incitements to virtue ; while Cicero 
had only the confused instructions of the Grecian schools, 
a,nd saw nothing certainly attainable but present applause 
and future fame. In moral courage, therefore, he excelled 
nis model and rivalled Cato. But Cato was a visionary, 
who insisted upon his right to act always without reference 



170 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

to the condition of mankind, as lie should have acted m 
Plato's imaginary Republic. Adams stood in this respect 
midway between the impracticable stoic and the too flexible 
academician. He had no occasion to say, as the Grecian 
orator did, that if he had sometimes acted contrary to him • 
self, he had never acted contrary to the Republic ; he might 
justly have said, as the noble Roman did, ' I have rendered 
to my country all the great services which she was willing 
to receive at my hands, and I have never harbored a thought 
concerning her that was not divine.' 

" More fortunate than Cicero, who fell a victim of civil 
wars which he could not avert, Adams was permitted to linger 
on the earth, until the generations of that future age, for 
for whom he had lived and to whom he had appealed from 
the condemnation of contemporaries, came up before the 
curtain which had shut out his sight, and pronounced over 
him, as he was sinking into the grave, their judgment of 
approval and benediction. 

" The distinguished characteristics of his life were benefi- 
cent labor and personal contentment. He never sought 
wealth, but devoted himself to the service of mankind. Yet, 
by the practice of frugality and method, he secured the 
enjoyment of dealing forth continually no stinted charities, 
and died in affluence. He never solicited place or prefer- 
ment, and had no partisan combinations or even connections ; 
yet he received honors which eluded the grasp of those who 
formed parties, rewarded friends, and proscribed enemies ; 
and he filled a longer period of varied and distinguished 
service than ever fell to the lot of any other citizen. In 
every stage of this progress he was content. He was con- 
tent to be President, minister, representative, or citizen. 

"Stricken in the midst of this service, in the very act of 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 171 

rising to debate, he fell into the arms of the conscript fathers 
of the Republic. A long lethargy supervened and oppressed 
his senses. Nature rallied the wasting powers, on the verge 
of the grave, for a very brief period. But it was long enough 
for him. The rekindled eye showed that the re-collected 
mind was clear, calm, and vigorous. His Aveeping family, 
and his sorrowing compeers were there. He surveyed the 
scene and knew at once its fatal import. He had left no 
duty unperformed ; he had no wish unsatisfied ; no ambition 
anattained ; no regret, no sorrow, no fear, no remorse. He 
could not shake off the dews of death that gathered on his 
brow. He could not pierce the thick shades that rose up 
before him. But he knew that eternity lay close to the 
shores of time. He knew that his Redeemer lived. Elo- 
quence, even in chat iiour, inspired mm witti ais ancient 
sublimity or utterance. This, said the dying man, -thi> 
j£ the end of EAHTH. lie paused ior a moment, and men 
added, i I am content.' Angels might well draw aside 
the curtains of the skies to look down on such a scene — a 
scene that approximated even to that scene of unapproach- 
able sublimity, not to be recalled without reverence, when, 
in mortal agony, One who spake as man never spake, said, 
' It is finished !' 

" Only two years after the birth of John Quincy Adams. 
there appeared, on an island in the Mediterranean sea, a 
human spirit newly born, endowed with equal genius, with- 
out the regulating qualities of justice and benevolence which 
Adams possessed in an eminent degree. A like career 
opened to both — born like Adams, a subject of a king — the 
child of more genial skies, like him, became in early life a 
patriot and a citizen of a new and great republic. Like 
A.dams he lent his service to the state in precocious youth, 



172 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



and in its hour of need, and won its confidence. But un 
like Adams he could not wait the dull delays of slow and 
laborious, but sure advancement. He sought power by the 
hasty road that leads through fields of carnage, and he be- 
came, like Adams, a supreme magistrate, a Consul. But 
there were other Consuls. He was not content. He thrust 
them aside, and was Consul alone. Consular power was too 
short. He fought new battles, and was Consul for life. 
But power, confessedly derived from the people, must be 
exercised in obedience to their will, and must be resigned to 
them again, at least in death. He was not content. He 
desolated Europe afresh, subverted the republic, imprisoned 
the patriarch who presided over Rome's comprehensive See, 
and obliged him to pour on his head the sacred oil that made 
the persons of kings divine, and their right to reign inde- 
feasible. He was an Emperor. But he saw around him a 
mother, brothers and sisters, not ennobled ; whose humble 
state reminded him, and the world, that he was born a ple- 
beian ; and he had no heir to wait impatient for the impe- 
rial crown. He scourged the earth again, and again for- 
tune smiled on him even in his wild extravagance. He be- 
stowed kingdoms and principalities upon his kindred — put 
away the devoted wife of his youthful days, and another, a 
daughter of Hapsburgh's imperial house, joyfully accepted 
his proud alliance. Offspring gladdened his anxious sight ; 
a diadem was placed on its infant brow, and it received the 
homage of princes, even in its cradle. Now he was indeed 
a monarch — a legitimate monarch — a monarch by divine 
appointment — the first of an endless succession of monarchs. 
But there were other monai ehs who held sway in the earth. 
He was not content. He would reign with his kindred alone. 
He gathered new and greater armies — from his own land — 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 173 

from anbjugated lands. He called forth the young an^ 
brave — r ne from every household — from the Pyrenees to 
Zuyder Lee — from Jura to the Ocean. He marshaled them 
into V jig and majestic columns, and went forth to seize that 
universal dominion, which seemed almost within his grasp. 
But ambition had tempted fortune too far. 

"The nations of the earth resisted, repelled, pursued, 
surrounded him. The pageant was ended. The crown fell 
from his presumptuous head. The wife who had wedded 
him in his pride, forsook him when the hour of fear came 
upon him. His child was ravished from his sight. Hia 
kinsmen were degraded to their first estate, and he was no 
longer Emperor, nor Consul, nor General, nor even a citi- 
zen, but an exile and a prisoner, on a lonely island, in the 
midst of the wild Atlantic. Discontent attended him there. 
The wayward man fretted out a few long years of his yet 
unbroken manhood, looking off at the earliest dawn and in 
evening's latest twilight, towards that distant world that 
had only just eluded his grasp. His heart corroded. Death 
came, not unlooked for, though it came even then unwel- 
come. He was stretched on his bed within the fort which 
constituted his prison. A few fast and faithful friends 
stood around, with the guards who rejoiced that the hour of 
relief from long and wearisome watching was at hand. As 
his strength wasted away, delirium stirred up the brair. 
from its long and inglorious inactivity. The pageant of 
ambition returned. He was again a Lieutenant, a General, 
a Consul, an Emperor of France. He filled again the 
throne of Charlemagne. His kindred pressed around him 
again, re-invested with the pageant of royalty. The daughter 
of the long line of kings again stood proudly by his side, 
and the sunny face of his child shone out from beneath the 



174 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

iradem that encircled its flowing locks. The marshals of 
the Empire awaited his command. The legions of the old 
guard were in the field, their scarred faces rejuvenated, and 
their ranks, thinned in many battles, replenished. Russia, 
Prussia, Austria. Denmark, and England, gathered their 
mighty hosts to give him battle. Once more he mounted 
h'ui impatient charger, and rushed forth to conquest. He 
waved his sword aloft, and cried " Tete d'Armee." The 
feverish vision broke — the mockery was ended. The silver 
cord was loosed, and the warrior fell back upon his bed a 
lifeless corpse. This was the end of earth. The Corsiaan 
was not content. 

"Statesmen and Citizens! the contrast suggests 
if,, „-™> ;,v>r,vessive moral." 

Tvm ra a magnificent eulogmm. In it. wo may see Jonn 
^uir&'wu .Jkdams from the loftiest point of view. But in tne 
follow©* description and anecdotes, from the " Reminis- 
cences" of the venerable Stansbury, we may see the man as 
he appeared among his friends and foes, lofty and noble, but 
with frailties : 

" It was my privilege to be present at the inauguration of 
Mr. Adams. I witnessed the ceremony then for the first 
time, though I have seen it since that seven times repeated. 
The ceremony itself is of the simplest kind ; deriving its 
solemnity from the nature and the source of the authority 
conferred, together with the momentous consequences inse- 
parable from its assumption. A greater contrast, in all 
other respects, can scarcely be conceived than that between 
a coronation in Europe and the inauguration of an American 
President ; and, doubtless, to diplomatic eyes, that have 
witnessed the pompous accompaniments of the one, the 
other may appear a petty affair. Not so to the lover of free 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 175 

representative government ; in his sight the spectacle is one 
of the most august that can be conceived, pregnant with 
every source of interest, and suggestive of a thousand trains 
of solemn thought. In the case of Mr. Adams, the cere- 
mony took place in the representatives' hall, though ever 
iince that time it has been performed on the eastern portico 
of the capitol, or on a platform in front of it. The original 
intention of the great rotunda, which occupies the central 
portion of that vast building, was that the Presidents of the 
republic should on that spot be inducted into office ; but, in 
practice, this was found impossible, and that for several 
reasons. In the first place the dimensions of the saloon 
would not contain a tenth part of the assembly always ga- 
thered on such occasions. The rotunda is not a hundred 
feet in diameter, while the auditory collected often exceeds 
twenty thousand people. Then, in the second place, the 
dome which covers that apartment, though very lofty and 
crowned with a large lantern above, occasions such an echo 
that the mere stamping of your foot on the stone floor pro- 
duces a reverberation like thunder, which lasts for many 
seconds. When I took my little boy into this magnificent 
chamber for the first time, while his childish eye was lifted 
in wonder to the vaulted dome, broken into pannel-work 
and terminating in a rich gilded border surrounding the 
base of the lantern at the top, I made the experiment of 
stamping on the floor ; he instantly cried out in terror, and 
made his way to the door, and no persuasions could, induce 
him to enter it again. 'I feared of the ceiling,' was the 
invariable reason by which he justified his refusal. 

" The mention of the rotunda and its beautiful ceiling, 
reminds me of an act of presumptuous folly of which I was 
onc<i guilty, but of which, on reflection, I am ashamed. 1 



176 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

dad read, when a boy, about the 'whispering gallery,' in St 
Paul's, London, and the account made a wonderful impres- 
sion on my youthful curiosity. It is said that the faintest 
whisper, breathed on one side of a gallery which surrounds 
the upper part of the dome of that noble structure, is dis- 
tinctly audible on the other ; the exact distance of which I 
have forgotten. Thinking of this, one day, as I stood con- 
templating the dome of our rotunda, the idea struck me that 
very possibly the same phenomenon might be produced in 
here as in the dome of St. Paul's. The diameter of the 
circle, however, was so much greater that this was at least 
doubtful. I determined, however, on making the experi- 
ment. It happened that the walls of the building were just 
then being painted, (for such is the porous nature of the sand- 
stone, of which the whole Capitol is built, that it requires 
at the cost of some five thousand dollars or more a coat of 
paint every few years,) and the ladder of one of the painters 
was standing with its foot on the stone floor of the room, 
and its top leaning against a broad stone cornice which sur- 
rounds the apartment just where the arch of the dome begins 
to spring. A workman was then at the top. I mounted the 
ladder ; and, on reaching the cornice, found it to be about 
two feet broad, perhaps a little more, not level but shelving 
slightly inward toward the centre. There was nothing to 
hold by. The wall above was of smooth stone, and the hard 
stone floor was some thirty feet below. I resolved, however, 
to venture ; and, explaining to the astonished workman what 
I wanted to ascertain, asked him to place his ear against the 
wall, and when I was directly opposite to him on the other 
Bide, to try whether he could hear what I should whisper. 
I found that the only way to get safely round was not to look 
down ; accordingly I kept my eye looking straight forward, 



JOHN QUI.VCY ADAMS. 177 

and with a bold and rapid step I went on, slightly touching 
the wall with my left hand. — Happily I reached the other 
side in safety, and putting nay mouth against the wall, uttered, 
m a very low whisper, the words — 

" ' Do you hear me V 

" Instantly I heard the voice of the man in reply — 

" 'Yes, sir, I hear you plainly.' 

"The span across is about ninety-four or ninety-five feet. 
A. whisper, spoken with the face turned from the wall 
need not say, totally inaudible ; but spoken against the wall, 
it is distinctly reverberated to the opposite focus, and is there 
easily and plainly heard. I completed the circle getting 
.safely back to the ladder, and so proud did I feel of the fool- 
hardy feat I had performed, that I walked, with more con- 
fidence and increased rapidity, completely round a second 
time. By the indulgence of a merciful Providence, this 
tempting of his care produced, to me, not the slightest injury 
■jr inconvenience ; but the close of my adventure had nearly 
lost the life of an honest man. The ladder was long, ana 
the motion of a person ascending or descending caused it to 
vibrate in no very pleasing manner. About half way down 
was a board resting, at one end, on the ladder, and at the 
other on a narrow ledge surrounding a sunken panel in the 
wall. On this board, thus stretched across, was seated a 
painter engaged in the process of laying color on the pa- 
nelled wall. The vibration of the ladder slightly drew the 
board outwards from the wall ; and, before this effect was 
perceived by either of us, it had nearly drawn it quite off the 
ledge. Just then, fortunately, I had reached tin.- bottom, and 
the action ceased. This alone prevented my unwarrantable 
gratification of curiosity from ending in manslaugh tor. When 
I found in what danger my fellow man had been placed, by 



178 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the indulgence of a mad freak, my heart smote me, and 1 
inly vowed never again to be guilty of such a tempting of 
Providence. 

" But, to return from this digression. The rotunda being 
found unfit for the purpose, the hall of representatives was 
resorted to, as the next largest apartment in the building ; 
but this, on trial, was found to deprive so many who were 
eagerly desirous of witnessing the sight, that, on the next 
occasion, which was the inauguration of President Jackson, 
recourse was had to the eastern portico, and the ceremony 
being performed and the inaugural address being delivered 
between the central columns, the audience occupied the steps, 
the wide stone platforms on each side of them, and then the 
wide open space stretching from the foot of the steps to the 
iron fence opposite, inclosing the public grounds ; affording 
ample room for the immense concourse attending ; though 
on that memorable occasion, the crowd overflowed into the 
grounds beyond. 

" Mr. Adams, as I have said, took his oath of office in the hall 
of the house of representatives. He appeared solemnly and 
deeplv moved by the occasion. His education, in the land of 
the Pilgrims, could not fail to impress on his heart and mind 
the solemn nature of that too-often slighted thing, an oath. 
The weighty nature of the trust he was about to assume ; the 
solemn appeal to a present God, the King of the Universe, 
now his unseen Witness, hereafter to be his righteous Judge — 
seemed to fill, as it ought, every faculty of his soul. As he 
repeated the words, at the dictation of the chief justice, there 
was a slight tremor in the loud, sharp tone of his voice, which 
bore honorable testimony that he felt and fully appreciated 
what he was doing, and it sent a corresponding thrill of so- 
lemnity through the auditory. Among these were some of 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 179 

his deadliest enemies ; several of whom commenced the wai 
upon his administration before he had done either good or 
evil, and one of whom boldly avowed that if, in his adminis- 
tration of the Presidency, he should be as pure as the Angel 
Gabriel, it must and should be put down. There were others, 
however, just as ardently in his favor — I will not say aa 
ardently as his friends, for it is confessedly true that Mr. 
Adams had not the faculty of conciliating warm personal 
attachments. His election was rejoiced in, rather as an act 
of justice to the North, as the triumph of a certain set of 
principles and of a particular line of policy, than as the per- 
sonal victory of the man. 

" Mr. Adams's temperament was peculiar, his manner and 
address cold, if not repulsive, and his mode of shaking hands, 
especially, so much so, that it attained an unenviable celebrity 
as 'the pump-handle shake.' He had been much abroad, 
bad seen mankind, and appeared not to trust them. He 
flattered no man, and was not to be cajoled by flattery from 
others. An old diplomatist himself, he was proof against 
all the soft reproaches of the diplomatists of other govern- 
ments. They could make nothing of him. He listened to 
their polite speeches, smiled, and coldly bowed, but then 
went to business. His keen and piercing eye was kept 
steadily ad rem. I have often compared him to a slumbering 
volcano, covered deep in snow. Beneath the co 1 lest manners, 
he possessed a depth and a power of passion as great as I 
ever witnessed in any human being. It seemed as if his soul 
glowed with an intensity precisely proportioned to the icy 
exterior which he presented to a stranger. This was not 
so fully developed during his Presidency as afterwards, 
when he came into the house of representatives. There his 
passions were called out into open pi ay, and they often rose 



180 



LIVES OF THBT PRESIDED CS. 



into :i perfect storm. Nor was i hat tempest the mere explo- 
sion of a fiery temperament, which bursts into a momentary 
dame * and straight is cold again.' In him the fires burnt 
on, ami, though the outw'rd brightness might seem to sub- 
side, uncover the furnace, and you would find them then 
Intense as ever, and ready for a fresh conflagration. When 
attacked, or reflected on, be kept it in memorj : and the first 
moment the occasion presented, noser failed t" repay, and 
with a fearful accumulation of interest, llo was one of the 
last men a prudent man would assail in a deliberative body. 
llo was a most able debater. Skilled in dialectics, a prac- 
tised, ready, and forcible speaker, with a piercing voice, an 
iron memory, and snob an array y\' facts on every subject 
he bandied, as rendered him one o\' the most formidable ad- 
versaries any man could provoke. Staunch to his purpose, 
not to be battled, not to be wearied, he pressed bis point 
with a pertinacity and persevering vigor, both of intellect 
and passion, that was rarely withstood. 

"One thing which powerfully helped him in the duties of 
his office was bis habits o\' indefatigable application. So far 
as it was practicable, be read over all the papers connected 
with every question submitted to him. lie trusted to no 
man's representations where be could see with bis own eyes. 
[ nave seen, in bis business room, in the presidential mansion, 
,1 table at least twenty feet long and ten feet wide, covered 
thickly with papers, in bundles to the depth o\' a foot, all of 
tvhieh be would at least look at, and the more important of 
which be would read through. To get time for this, lie rose 
before the sun. and sat up late at night. He bad two excel- 
lent preparati* ns for business, one was bis constant habit of 
bathing in the Potomac by dawn of day ; the other, and far 
better one, was, to read a chapter of the Bible before he 



QtJINCI ADAMS. 



L81 



touched ;< paper. Gentlen* told me that they ofter 

tried to ai ident in ling ba1 1 

r could ;-i. 
man was in the river, hi:- bald-head ducking and diving like 
fowl, and all of his motions indi< ijoy- 

ment he e element. 

nd as much at borne in the 
a 'luck. 
•• And, - : he opened 
reading hi , : : 

that well-known p ay< i of child I m ; jj urrj-jt. 

him in hia inf! big mother: 

if i 

" In this simple and I presume he 

.stand - mong all ',' 

irth. Tome iful and affecting 

Id a man s< ' 

■ 
rable 

childhood. The infid< poli- 

• 
it wo 'ild be better to ii 
little prayer m 
hum a 

"Mr. Adams, like his illu mtionary 

built at 
ither, and possessed ■■; I 



182 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

constitution. His complexion was pale, his eye bright and 
piercing, and surmounted by a brow which, though on its 
outward part unusually elevated, was drawn down toward the 
nose, and when he was excited it gave his looks a terrible 
severity. One of his eyes, however, was affected with a 
disease in the lachrymatory gland, which caused it constantly 
to run, as with tears ; and this was connected with a de- 
Auction from the brain, which troubled him all his life, and 
was sometimes so copious as to occasion serious embarrass- 
ment in public speaking. His sight, notwithstanding, was 
so unusually good that he never used spectacles to the clay 
of his death. There was, also, a stiffness about the joint 
of the middle finger of his right hand, which prevented his 
holding his pen as other men do, and compelled him to use 
a sort of thimble to aid him in retaining it in its place. He 
wrote very much as the Chinese do, and it occasioned him 
much labor ; yet he was always writing, and left behind him 
a vast number of volumes in MS. He wrote slowly, with a 
square, heavy hand, but as legible as print. It is said that 
men's handwriting is an index of their character ; and if art 
did not interfere to control nature, it would doubtless be true 
It is, indeed, true to a great extent, notwithstanding. (I knew 
once a very passionate man who stuttered vehemently ; and 
his letters were wrote by jerks, and spattered all over, so as 
to be scarce legible.) In Mr. Adams's case the remark holds 
good ; for his writing has an air of clearness, firmness, bold- 
ness, exactitude, and laborious diligence, which well corres- 
ponds with the nature and habits of the man. Owing to his 
early training in foreign courts, and his long familiarity with 
public men, his mind was stored with an overflowing copious- 
ness of anecdote, which rendered his conversation a perpetual 
feast of entertainment and instruction. He seemed familiar 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 183 

with the character and history of every prominent man in 
Europe, and his anecdotes of their private manners and per- 
sonal habits were piquant and graphic in the highest degree. 
"He relished a good dinner, and when the cloth was re- 
moved it was a treat to be near him. He loved old wine, 
and would drink more of it, without injury, than most men 
of his years. It never produced any ' innovation' in his 
brain, its sole apparent effect being to banish his natural 
coldness of manner, and produce a cheerful excitement that 
made him the best of company. Mr. Adams was no poet, 
but he wrote respectable verse, and with much facility. His 
genius tended to satire, and to him were ascribed some lineis 
upon Jefferson, replete with a contemptuous bitterness wor 
thy of Churchill. Their bitterness gave them currency 
and for a time they were in every body's mouth. ' Horneu 
frogs,' ' mountains of salt,' ' prairie dogs,' and ' dusky Sally' 
figured in them with great effect. His poem, entitled ' Der 
mot McMorough,' (and which he had printed for gratuituous 
distribution among his friends,) was supposed to be a satire 
on General Jackson ; though Mr. Adams himself always 
denied the charge. It was a puzzle to his friends, and the 
subject of some merriment among his adversai'ies. I do not 
think it added much to his reputation. He was greatly tor- 
mented, during the latter part of his life, by the solicitations 
of young ladies to 'write something in their albums;' and 
his good nature and patience under the affliction was, to 
those who knew the irritable character of the man, a matter 
of some surprise. But Mr. Adams wad irritable only when 
attacked, or contradicted ; to ladies he was ever polite and 
obliging, and especially to the young he was very kind. He 
retained much of the simplicity of his ''arly New England 
habits, amidst all the show which surrounded him. You 



184 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

might see him on a cold winter's morning, in his plair, 
Boston wrapper, a half-worn hat upon his head, a pair of 
stout shoes, his hands enveloped in large thick pointed 
mittens, of white wool, knit for him at his home. 

" It was said of Lord Chesterfield that he could deny a 
favor with such an inimitable show of candor and kindness 
as to send the applicant away better pleased -with him than 
with many another great man who would grant the request. 
I believe this remark was never applied to Mr. Adams. I 
once heard Colonel Trumbull, the painter, describe an in- 
terview with the President, which, it was evident, had made 
him Adams's enemy for the rest of his days. Trumbull 
was every way a distinguished man. He had been in the 
military family of Washington, with whom he was a favorite. 
He was eminent as a painter, and that in the highest walk 
of the art. He had conceived the idea of embodying the 
most striking scenes of the revolution, in a series of histo- 
rical pictures, which should, at the same time, with their 
actions, preserve and perpetuate the personal likenesses of 
the actors ; and the success of the design is evinced in the 
foux great paintings which occupy the panels in the wall 
of the rotunda of the capitol. To prepare himself for so 
laborious and difficult a work he took many portraits from 
the living actors in the stirring scene, while they were in 
the midst of the struggle, or when they had retired to pri- 
vate life. But some of them had left this country at the' 
peace, and returned to their own. Of these he collected 
Buch likenesses as he could obtain here ; but, to complete 
his design, it became necessary to visit Europe, and there 
catch the features of many of the prominent men who had 
been his fellow soldiers during the war, before they faded 
in death, and were lost for ever. His private fortune, how- 



JOHN QUINCT ADAM8. 

over, woul(] ill bear the of such a tour, and with a 

view to diminish it, he applied to President Adam for a free 
passage in a frigate that was then soon to sail for England. 
JJ<; thought that as the pictures he design i to paint were 
of a national character, and would probably become public 
property, he was entitled, on this ground, as well as that of 
his revolutionary service . and the relation, especially, which 
!,<; had borne to General W\ 

lie obtained the desired interview , and made h'w 

request. One line from under the P would 

secure the object The Pros d< at heard him without uttering 
ii. word. At the clo e. hi ith that omi- 

nous frown which boded no good to the application: he «at 
in deep thought, as if revolving in his mi id his 
give the order, and the expediency oi It was 

irausing to see Trumbull look, con- 

tracted brows, and stern mouth of Mr. t mo- 

ment. A glance •■ »h for the indignant artist, and 

without another word , ide, he took his hat 

and withdrew. 

"Nothing is moi to a statesman, especially in a 

government like ours, than official manners of this de crip- 
fcion. They inflict, on proud and sensitive natures, wounds 
which are incurable. It was the misfortune of De Witt 
Clinton to have the sa ct: and the defect of both 

vas enjoyed with a malignant relish that mere political 
opposition never couhl have inspired." 




^e, 



k 







,^r 



- 






ANDREW JACKSON. 

The name f Andrew Jackson is deeply engraven upon 
the history o. the United States. He held many of the 
most respond 'Ae stations. He was a leader in times of 
danger and difficulty, and served his country in the council 
and the field. His course was always decided and deter- 
mined, and whether men approved or not, they were com- 
pelled to respect. 

The parents of Andrew Jackson were Irish. His father, 
Andrew, the youngest son of his family, emigrated to Ame- 
rica about the year 1765, bringing with him two sons, Hugh 
and Robert, both very young. 

Landing at Charleston, in South Carolina, he shortly 
afterwards purchased a tract of land, in what was then 
called the Waxsaw settlement, about forty-five miles above 
Camden ; at which place the subject of this history was 
bon, on the 15th of March, 1767. Shortly after his birth, 
hi3 father died, leaving three sons to be provided for by 
their mother. She appears to have been an exemplary 
woman, and to have executed the arduous duties which had 
devolved upon her, with great faithfulness and success. To the 
lessons she inculcated on the youthful minds of her sons, was, 
uo doubt, owing, in a great measure, that fixed opposition to 

187 



188 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

British tyranny and oppression, which afterwards so much 
distinguished them. Often would she spend the winter's 
night, in recounting to them the sufferings of their grand 
father, at the siege of Carrickfergus, and the oppressions 
exercised by the nobility of Ireland, over the laboring poor ; 
impressing it upon them, as their first duty, to expend their 
lives, if it should become necessary, in defending and sup- 
porting the natural rights of man. 

Inheriting but a small patrimony from their father, it 
was impossible that all the sons could receive an expensive 
education. The two eldest were therefore only taught the 
rudiments of their mother tongue, at a common country 
school. But Andrew, being intended by his mother for the 
ministry, was sent to a flourishing academy in the Waxsaw 
meeting house, superintended by Mr. Humphries. Here ho was 
instructed in the dead languages, and continued until the 
revolutionary w T ar, extending its ravages into that section of 
South Carolina, where he then was, rendered it necessary that 
every one should betake himself to the American standard, 
seek protection with the enemy, or flee his country. It was 
not an alternative that admitted of much deliberation. The 
natural ardor of his temper, deriving encouragement from 
recommendations of his mother, whose feelings were not less 
alive on the occasion than his own, quickly determined him 
in the course to be pursued ; and at the tender age of four- 
teen, with his brother Robert, he hastened to the American 
camp, and engaged in the service of his country. His oldest 
brother, who had previously joined the army, had lost his 
life at the battle of Stono, by the excessive heat of the weather 
and the fatigues of the day. 

Both Andrew and Robert, were, at this period, pretty 
tvell acquainted with the manual exercise, and had some 



ANDREW JACKSON. 189 

idea of the different evolutions of thj field, having been 
indulged by their mother in attending the drill, and genera] 
musters. 

: ' The Americans being unequal, as well by the inferiority 
of their t numbers, as their discipline, to engage the British 
army in battle, retired before it, into the interior of North 
Carolina ; but when they learned that Lord Cornwallis had 
crossed the Yadkin, they returned in small detachments U, 
their native state. On their arrival, they found Lord Raw- 
don in possession of Camden, and the whole country around 
in a state of desolation. The British commander beinp 
advised of the return of the settlers of Waxsaw ; Major 
Coffin was immediately despatched thither, with a corps of 
light dragoons, a company of infantry, and a considerable 
number of tories, for their capture and destruction. Hear- 
ing of their approach, the settlers, without delay, appointed 
the Waxsaw meeting house as a place of rendezvous, that 
they might the better collect their scattered strength, and 
concert some system of operations. About forty of them 
had accordingly assembled at this point, when the enemy 
approached, keeping the tories, who were dressed in the 
common garb of the country, in front, whereby this little 
band of patriots was completely deceived, taking them for 
Captain Nisbet's company, in expectation of which they had 
been waiting. Eleven of them were taken prisoners ; the 
rest with difficulty fled, scattering and betaking themselves 
tc the woods for concealment. Of those who thus escaped, 
though closely pursued, were Andrew Jackson and his bro- 
ther, who, entering a secret bend in a creek, that was close 
at hand, obtained a momentary respite from danger, and 
avoided, for the night, the pursuit of the enemy. The next 
day, however, having gone to a neighboring house, for the 



190 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

purpose of procuring something to eat, they were broken in 
•apon, and made prisoners, by Coffin's dragoons, and a party 
of tories who accompanied them. They had approached 
the house by a route through the woods, and thereby eluded 
the vigilance of a sentinel who had been posted on the road. 

" Being placed under guard, Andrew was ordered, in a 
very imperious tone, by a British officer, to clean his boots, 
which had become muddied in crossing a creek. This order 
he, with the courage of Caesar among the pirates, refused 
to obey ; alleging that he looked for such treatment as a 
prisoner of war had a right to expect. Incensed at his re- 
fusal, the officer aimed a blow at his head, with a drawn 
sword, which would, very probably, have terminated his ex- 
istence, had he not parried its effects by throwing up his 
left hand, on which he received a severe wound. His bro- 
ther, at the same time, for a similar offence, received a deep 
cut on the head, which afterwards occasioned his death. 
They were now taken to jail, where, separated and confined, 
they were treated with marked severity, until a few days 
after the battle at Camden, when, in consequence of a par- 
tial exchange, effected by the intercessions and exertions 
of their mother and Captain Walker, of the militia, they 
were both released. Captain Walker had, in a charge on 
the rear of the British army, succeeded in capturing thir 
teen prisoners, whom he gave in exchange for seven A me 
ricans, of which number were these two young men. 

" Robert, during his confinement in prison, had suffered 
greatly ; the wound on his head, all this time, having never 
been dressed, was followed by an inflammation of the brain, 
which, in a few days after his liberation, brought him to the 
grave. To add to the afflictions of Andrew, his mother, 
worn down by grief, and her incessant exertions to provide 



ANDREW JACKSON. 191 

clothing and other comforts for the suffering prisoners, who 
had been taken from her neighborhood, expired, in a few 
weeks after her son, near the lines of the enemy, in the 
vicinity of Charleston. Andrew, the last and only surviv- 
ing child, confined to a bed of sickness, occasioned by the 
sufferings he had been compelled to undergo, whilst a prisoner, 
and by getting wet, on his return from captivity, was thus 
left in the wide world, without a human being with whom he 
could claim a near relationship. The small-pox beginning, 
at the same time, to make its appearance upon him, had well 
nigh terminated his sorrows and his existence. 

" Having at length recovered from his complicated afflic- 
tions, he entered upon the enjoyment of his estate, which, 
although small, would have been sufficient, under prudent 
management, to have completed his education, on the liberal 
scale which his mother had designed. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, he, like too many young men, sacrificing future pros- 
pects to present gratification, expended it with rather too 
profuse a hand. Coming, at length, to forsee that he should 
be finally obliged to rely on his own exertions, for support 
and success in life, he again betook himself to his studies, 
with increased industry. He re-commenced under Mr. M'- 
Culloch, in what was then called the New Acquisition, near 
Hill's iron works. Here he revised the languages, devoting 
a portion of his time to a desultory course of studies. 

" His education being now completed, so far as his wasted 
patrimony, and the opportunities then afforded in that sec- 
tion of the country, would permit ; at the age of eighteen, 
he turned his attention to acquiring a profession, and pre- 
paring himself to enter on the busy scenes of life. The pulpit, 
lor which he had been designed by his mother, was now aban- 
doned for the bar ; and, in the winter of 1784, he repaired 



192 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

to Salisbury, in North Carolina, and commenced the study 
of law, under Spruce M'Cay, Esq. (afterwards one of the 
judges of that state,) and continued it under Colonel John 
Stokes. Having remained at Salisbury until the winter of 
1786, he obtained a license from the judges to practise, and 
continued in the state until the spring of 1788. 

" The observations he was enabled, during this time, to 
make, satisfied him that this state presented few inducements 
to a young attorney ; and recollecting that he stood a solitary 
individual in life, without relations to aid him in the onset, 
when innumerable difficulties arise and retard success, he de- 
termined to seek a new country. But for this, he might 
have again returned to his native state ; but the death of 
every relation he had, had wiped away all those recollections 
and circumstances which link the mind to the place of its 
aativitv. The western parts of the state of Tennessee were, 
about this time, often spoken of, as presenting flattering pros- 
pects to adventurers. He immediately determined to accom- 
pany Judge M'Nairy thither, who was appointed and going 
out to hold the first supreme court that had ever sat in the 
state. Having reached the Holston, they ascertained it 
would be impossible to arrive at the time appointed for the 
session of the court ; and therefore determined to remain in 
that country till fall. They re-commenced their journey in 
October, and, passing through the wilderness, reached Nash- 
ville in the same month. It had not been Jackson's inten- 
tion, certainly, to make Tennessee the place of his future 
residence ; his visit was merely experimental, and his stay 
remained to be determined, by the advantages that might 
be disclosed ; but finding, soon after his arrival, that a con- 
siderable opening was offered for the success of a young at- 
torney, he determined to remain. His industry and atten- 



ANDREW JACKSON. 



193 



tioa soon brought him forward, and introduced him to a 
profitable practice. Shortly afterwards, he was appointed 
attorney general for the district, in which capacity he con- 
tinued to act for several years. 

" Indian depredations being then frequent on the Cumber- 
land, every man became a soldier. Unassisted by the go- 
vernment, the settlers were forced to rely for security on 
their own bravery and exertions. Although young, no per- 
son was more distinguished than Andrew Jackson, in defend- 
ing the country against these predatory incursions of the 
savages, who continually harassed the frontiers, ana not 
unfrequently approached the heart of the settlements, which 
were thin, but not widely extended. He aided alike in 
garrisoning the forts, and in pursuing and chastising the 
enemy. 

" In the year 1796, having, by his patriotism, firmness, 
and talents, secured to himself a distinguished standing; with 
all classes, he was chosen one of the members of the conven- 
tion, for establishing a constitution for the state. His good 
conduct and zeal for the public interest, on this occasion, 
brought him more conspicuously to view ; and, without pro- 
posing or soliciting, he was, in the same year, elected a mem- 
ber of the house of representatives, in congress, for the state 
of Tennessee. The following year, his reputation continuing 
to increase, and every bosom feeling & wish to raise him to 
still higher honors, he was chosen a member of the senate of 
the United States. 

" The state of Tennessee, on its admission into the Union, 
comprising but one military division, and General Conway. 
who commanded it, as major-general, dying about this time, 
Jackson, without being consulted on the subject, and without. 
the least intimation of what was in agitation, was chosen, by 



191 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the field officers, to succeed him ; which appointment he con 
tinued to hold, until May, 1815, when he was constituted a 
major-general in the United States service. 

" Growing tired of political life, for the intrigues of which 
ne found himself unqualified, and having for two years voted 
in the minority in Congress, he resigned his seat in the senate, 
in 1799. To this measure he was strongly urged, by a wish 
to make way for General Smith, who, he conjectured, would, 
in that capacity, be able to render more important services 
to the government than himself. His country, unwilling 
that 1iis talents should remain inactive and unemployed, 
again demanded his services. Immediately after his resig- 
nation, he was appointed one cf the judges of the supreme 
court of the state. Sensibly alive to the difficulties of this 
station, and impressed with the great injuries he might do 
to suitors, by erroneous decisions, he advanced to the office 
with reluctance, and in a short time resigned it ; leaving it 
open to those, who, he believed, were better qualified than 
himself, to discharge its intricate and important duties. 

" Determined now to spend his life in tranquillity and re- 
tirement, he settled himself on an elegant farm, ten miles 
from Nashville, on the Cumberland river ; where, for seve- 
ral years, he enjoyed all the comforts of domestic and social 
intercourse. Abstracted from the busy scenes of public 
life, surrounded by friends whom he loved, and who enter- 
tained for him the highest veneration and respect, and 
blessed with an affectionate and amiable consort, nothing 
seemed wanting to the completion of that happiness he so 
anxiously desired whilst in office. But a period approached, 
when all these endearments were again to be abandoned, 
for the duties of more active life."* 

* Eatoa. 



ANDREW JACKSON. 195 

In June, 1812, war was declared by the United States 
against Great Britain. Congress authorized the President 
to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers. General 
Jackson promptly addressed the citizens of his division, and 
two thousand five hundred flocked to his standard. In No- 
vember he received orders to descend the Mississippi, for 
the defence of the lower country, which was threatened by 
the Indians, aided by a few British soldiers. Descending 
the Mississippi, through the severities of the season, General 
Jackson halted, and encamped his troops near Natchez. 
On the 5th of January, 1813, the secretary of war issued 
an order directing him to dismiss those under his command, 
and to transfer all public property to General Wilkinson. 
The clouds of Avar had blown over that quarter, and it was 
deemed unnecessary to retain the men in service. But 
surely it was unfeeling thus to discharge them afar from 
their homes and almost destitute. General Jackson deter- 
mined to disobey the order, and to march his army back to 
the country where it was raised, and that, too, at the ex- 
pense of the United States. Wilkinson and others attempted 
to dissuade the general from his purpose, but he was iron 
m will. The quarter-master was obliged to provide the 
means of transportation for the sick, and after some toil 
and hardship, the troops were safely conducted to their 
homes. The President of the United States approved the 
course pursued by General Jackson, and directed the ex- 
penses to be paid. In this, his first important military pro- 
ceeding, the general displayed an independent, determined, 
and humane spirit. 

Soon after this expedition, the artful and eloquent Te-. 
cumthe visited the Indians of the south, and incited them 
to join the great confederacy of the north. Horrible atro- 



106 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



cities were committed along- the frontiers of Tennessee 
and Georgia. The tomahawk and scalping-knife were gorged 
with blood. The agent of the general government sought 
redress from the Indians, and some of the principal chiefs 
caused the murderers to be put to death. This gave rise to 
a civil war among the Indians, but by far the largest por- 
tion of the red men resolved upon a bloody war against the 
whites. Those who were friendly to the whites were forced 
to take refuge in the frontier forts. The garrison of Fort 
Mimms was surprised and massacred, by a band of Creeks, 
led by the famous Weatherford. Other outrages were ex- 
pected to follow, and the settlers fled from the frontier. 

The governor of Tennessee now issued an order to Gene- 
ral Jackson, who was then suffering from a wound received 
in a private rencontre, to rendezvous at Fayetteville, in the 
shortest possible time, two thousand volunteers, while Colo- 
nel Coffee was to raise a large body of mounted men. A 
vigorous campaign was resolved upon. The commanding 
general issued a stirring address to the volunteers, and on 
the 7th of October, arrived in camp. Colonel Coffee was at 
Huntsville, covering that portion of the country with his 
mounted volunteers. 

Receiving promises that ample supplies should be forwarded 
as soon as possible, General Jackson advanced to Thomp- 
son's creek, and there encamped. Here he was beset with 
difficulties. The supplies were not forthcoming, and in 
spite of the immense exertions of the general, the troops 
had the prospect of extreme want before them. However, 
General Jackson, receiving information that the Indians, 
in great force, were posted on the Coosa, at Ten Islands, 
distributed his small stock of provisions, and marched 
against the eremy. After a difficult march, it was ascer 



ANDREW JACKSON. 197 

ti/ined that the Creeks had posted themselves at Tallu^hat- 
ehee. There, General Coffee, with nine hundred men. at- 
tacked them on the 2d of November, 1813, and aftei a 
bloody action, entirely defeated them. The loss of the In- 
dians was very severe, while Coffee lost but few of his men. 
The detachment then rejoined the main body under General 
Jackson. 

A permanent depot was established at the Ten Islands. 
Receiving intelligence that the Indians were concentrating 
their forces on the Talapoosa, at Fort Talladega, General Jack- 
son resolved at once to proceed against them. General White 
was ordered to protect the camp at Ten Islands, during the 
absence of the main body. At midnight, on the 7th of De- 
cember, General Jackson, with twelve hundred infantry and 
eight hundred cavalry, commenced his march. 

In this expedition, Jackson used the utmost circumspec- 
tion to prevent surprise ; marching his army, as was his con- 
stant custom, in three columns, so that, by a speedy manoeuvre 
they might be thrown into such a situation, as to be capable 
of resisting an attack from any quarter. Having judiciously 
encamped his men on an eligible piece of ground, he sent 
forward two of the friendly Indians, and a white man, who 
had, for many years, been detained a captive in the nation, 
and was now acting as interpreter, to reconnoitre the position 
of the enemy. At eleven o'clock at night, they returned, 
with information, that the savages were posted within a quar- 
ter of a mile of the fort, and appeared to be in great force ; 
but they had not been able to approach near enough to as- 
certain either their numbers, or precise situation. Within 
an hour after this, a runner arrived from Turkey town, with 
a letter from General White, stating, that after having taken 
up the line of march, to unite at Fort Strother, be had received 



198 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS 

orders from General Cocke, t » change his course, and pro 
ceed to the mouth of Chatuga creek. This unexpected and 
disagreeable intelligence filled Jackson with astonishment and 
apprehensions ; and dreading, lest the enemy, by taking a 
different route, should attack his encampment in his absence, 
he determined to lose no time, in bringing him to battle. 
Orders were accordingly given to the adjutant-general to 
prepare the line, and by four o'clock in the morning, the army 
was again in motion. The infantry proceeded in three co- 
lumns ; the cavalry in the same order, in the rear, with 
flankers on each wing. The advance, consisting of a com- 
pany of artillerists, with muskets, two companies of riflemen, 
and one of spies, marched about four hundred yards in front, 
under the command of Colonel Carroll, the inspector-gene- 
ral ; with orders, after commencing the action, to fall back 
on the centre, so as to draw the enemy after them. At seven 
o'clock, having arrived within a mile of the position they 
occupied, the columns were displayed in order of battle. 

" About eight o'clock, the advance having arrived within 
eighty yards of the enemy, who were concealed in a thick 
shrubbery, that covered the margin of a small rivulet, received 
a heavy fire, which they instantly returned with much spirit. 
Agreeably to their instructions, they fell back towards the 
centre, but not before they had dislodged the enemy from 
this position. The Indians now screaming and yelling hi- 
deously, rushed forward in the direction of General Roberts's 
brigade ; a few companies of which, alarmed by their num- 
bers and yells, fled at the first fire. Jackson, to fill the 
chasm which was thus created, directed the regiment com- 
manded by Colonel Bradley, to be moved up, which, from 
some unaccountable cause, had failed to advance, in a line 
witli the others, and now occupied a position in rear of the 



ANDREW JACKSON. 199 

centre : Bradley, however, to whom this order was given by 
one of the staff, could not be prevailed on to execute it in 
time, alleging, he was determined to remain on the eminence 
which he then possessed, until the enemy should approach 
and attack him. Owing to this failure, in the volunteer regi- 
ment, it became necessary to dismount the reserve, which, 
with great firmness, met the approach of the enemy, who 
were rapidly moving in this direction. The retreating militia, 
seeing their places supplied, rallied, and, recovering their 
former position in the line, aided in checking the advance of 
the savages. The action now became general along the line, 
and in fifteen minutes the Indians were seen flying in every 
direction. On the left, they were met and repulsed by the 
mounted riflemen ; but on the right, owing to the halt of 
Bradley's regiment, which was intended to occupy the ex- 
treme right, — and to the circumstance of Colonel Allcorn, 
who commanded one of the wings of the cavalry, having taken 
too large a circuit, a considerable space was loft between the 
infantry and the cavalry, through which numbers escaped. 
The fight was maintained with great spirit and effect on both 
sides, as well before, as after the retreat commenced ; nor 
did the savages escape the pursuit and slaughter, until they 
reached the mountains, at the distance of three miles. 

'• In this battle, the force of the enemy was one thousand 
and eighty, of whom two hundred and ninety-nine were left 
dead on the ground ; and it is believed that many were killed 
in the flight, who were not found when the estimate was made. 
Probably few escaped unhurt. Their loss on this occasion, 
as stated since by themselves, was not less than six hundred : 
that of the Americans w T as fifteen killed, and eighty wounded, 
several of whom afterwards died. Jackson, after collecting 
his dead and wounded, advanced his army beyond the fort. 



'200 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

and encamped for the night. The friendly Indians, whc 
had been shut up for several days in Talladega, thus fortu- 
nately liberated from the most dreadful apprehensions, and 
severest privations, having for some time been entirely with- 
out water, received the army with all the demonstrations of 
gratitude, that savages could give. Their manifestations of 
joy for their deliverance, presented an interesting and affect- 
ng spectacle. Their fears had been already excited, for it 
was the very day when they were to have been assaulted, 
and when every soul within the fort must have perished. All 
the provisions they could spare, from their scanty stock, they 
sold to the general, who, purchasing with his own money, 
distributed them amongst the soldiers, who were almost 
destitute. 

" It was with great regret, that Jackson now found he was 
without the means of availing himself fully of the advantages 
of his victory ; but the condition of his posts in the rear, and 
the want of provisions, (having left Fort Strother, at the Ten 
Islands, with little more than one day's rations,) compelled 
him to hasten back ; thus giving the enemy time to recover 
from their consternation, and to re-assemble their forces."* 

On reaching Fort Strother, Jackson found that no pro- 
vision had yet been forwarded. The troops were almost 
destitute. Discontent began to show its head, and after a 
few days, the troops openly announced their intention to 
return home. Jackson determined, at all hazards, to oppose 
their design. On the morning when the discontents were 
to depart, he drew up those volunteers who were faithful to 
him, and, with daring determination, commanded the militia 
to return to their quarters. lie was obeyed. The next 
day, however, the volunteers themselves revolted, and the 

* Eaton.. 



ANDREW JACKSON. 201 

singular scene was presented, of the militia, under the com 
mand of General Jackson, compelling them to follow the 
example of the day before, and retire to their quarters. 
The conduct of General Jackson throughout the affair was 
m irked by wonderful firmness and decision. The cavalry, 
being without forage, was allowed to return home, upon 
condition that when supplied and recruited, the whole force 
would come back to the camp. By addresses and great 
personal exertions, General Jackson strove to cheer the 
spirits of his men, but their distresses and grievances were 
not to be quietly born. Besides, most of the troops were 
bold independents, unused to military subordination. Camp 
life was irksome to them and they wanted to be free. On 
several occasions, they evinced a determined spirit of mu- 
tiny ; but the iron resolution of their general reduced them 
to obedience. But for his firmness, the campaign would 
have been abandoned. His life was fearlessly exposed in 
the discharge of his duty. As it was, however, many of 
the troops, after much perseverance, obtained permission to 
return to their homes. New regiments arrived in camp 
But among these discontent was early manifested. 

In January, 1814, General Jackson, having received in- 
telligence that the Indians were concentrating at Emuckfau, 
marched against them at the head of less than a thousand 
men. At dawn of day, on the 22d, when near their camp, 
the army was attacked with great fury. The action raged 
for about half an hour, when the Indians were totally 
routed, and pursued for two miles. But a strong force re- 
mained in the fortified camp. General Coffee was sent to 
ascertain the strength of the position, and he returned with 
the information that it was much too superior for him to at- 
tack. Soon afterwards, the Indians advanced and assailed the 



202 LIVES Of THE PRESIDES rS. 

camp o\' the Tennesseeans. A long and fierce struggle en 
sued. No quarter was given and none was requested. The 
rod men were routed, and they suffered terribly during the 
pursuit. Hundreds of them fell during the day's fighting. 
The loss nt* the whites was also severe. 

The next day, General Jackson, having, as he believed, 
effected the object oi' the expedition, and being greatly in 
want of provisions, began a return march. At night Ida 
army was encamped on the south side o\' Enotichopco creek. 

The Indians, it was evident, had followed the army during 
the day. and arrangements were therefore made to repel a 
night attack. The enemy held oil' until the next morning, 
and then commenced an attack as tiie troops were crossing 
the creek, At first a body of the troops gave way. But 
they were quickly rallied by the exertions of Generals Jack 
son and Coffee, and after a short struggle, the Indians were 
compelled to retreat. Many of the latter were destroyed in 
the pursuit. Altogether, more than two hundred were 
killed. General Jackson had twenty men killed, and seventy- 
five wounded. On the 26th, the victorious army reached 
the vicinity of Fort Strother. Throughout this perilous 
expedition, the conduct of both officers and troops was 
highly honorable and efficient. The general now dismissed 
them to their homes with high commendation. 

Early in February, a much greater force o\' Tennesseana 
was brought into the held under the orders o\' General 
Jackson. But the difficulties caused by the want of sup- 
plies, and the want of discipline among the hardy, independ- 
ent sons of the west continued unabated. By constant 
exertion, General Jackson obtained a sufficient quantity of 
provision to enable him to march into the enemy's country 
in March, 1814. On the 27th, he reached the village of To. 



ANDBEW JACKSOJT. 203 

hopcka, where twelve hundred Indiana were strongly p< 
The bloodiest struggle of the whole war ensued. The In- 

wore driven within their fort, which was th 
fire, as they refused to surrender. .Still they fought with 

nined courage. The carnage was horrible. Ft 
th" warriors escaped. About three hundred women and 
childr< made prisoners. the last important 

stand made by the Indians. All hope of su< 
them. They became a miserable hand of fugil 
were hunted and d< I like wild beasl 

era] Jackson imed a new character — that of 

a negotiator and peacemaker. He encamped at a place 
known as the Hickory Ground, where numbers of Indians 
daily arrived, and offered to submit on ;>: General 

Jackson assurred them of peace and safety, if they would 
retire to the north of Fort William. But resolving to put 
their friendly prof' -.\ once to the 

them to bring Weatherford, one of the first chiefs of the 
nation, to him. 

'■ Learning from the chiefs, on their return, what had 
been required of them by Jackson, Weatherford was pre- 
vailed upon, as being perhaps the safer course, to go arid 
make a voluntary surrender of himself. Having reached 
the camp without being known, and obtained admission to 
the general's quarter's, he told him he was Weatherford, 
the chief who had commanded at Fort Mimms, and. desiring 
peace for himself and people, had come to ask it. Some- 
what surprised, that one who so richly merited punishment, 
should so 3ternly demand * on which had been 

led to others, he replied to him, that he was astonished 
he should venture to appear in his presence; that 'tie was 
net ignorant of his having keen at Fort Mimms, nor of his 



204 LIVE.3 OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

conduct there, for which he well deserved to die. 'I had 
directed,' continued he, 'that you should be brought to 
me confined ; had you appeared in this way, I should have 
known how to have treated you.' Weatherford replied, 'I 
am in your power — do with me as you please. I am a 
soldier. I have done the white people all the harm I could; 
I have fought them, and fought them bravely ; if I had an 
army, I would yet fight, and contend to the last : but I 
have none ; my people are all gone. I can now do no more 
than weep over the misfortunes of my nation.' Pleased at 
the firmness of the man, Jackson informed him, that he did 
not solicit him to lay down his arms, and become peaceable. 
' The terms on which your nation can be saved, and peace 
restored, 1ms already been disclosed : in this way, and none 
other, can you obtain safety.' If, however, he wished still 
to continue the war, and felt himself prepared to meet the 
consequences, although he was then completely in his power, 
no advantage should be taken of that circumstance ; that 
he was at liberty to retire, and unite himself with the war 
party, if he pleased ; but if taken, his life should pay the 
forfeit of his crimes ; if this were not desired, he might 
remain where he was, and should be protected. 

" Weatherford answered, that he desired peace, that his 
nation might, in some measure, be relieved from their suf- 
feaings ; that, independent of other misfortunes, growing 
out of a state of war, their cattle and grain were all wasted 
and destroyed, and their women and children destitute of 
provisions. 'But,' continued he, 'I may be well ad- 
dressed in such language now. There was a time when I 
had a choice, and could have answered you : I have none 
now, — even hope has ended. Once I could animate my 
warrioi s to battle ; but I cannot animate the dead. My 



ANDREW JACKSON. 205 

warriors can no longer hear my voice : their bones are at 
Talladega, Tallushatchee, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. I have 
not surrendered myself thoughtlessly. Whilst there were 
chances of success, I never left my post, nor supplicated 
peace. But my people are gone, I now ask it for my nation, 
and for myself. On the miseries and misfortunes brought 
upon my country, I look back with deepest sorrow, and wi3b 
to avert still greater calamities. If I had been left to con- 
tend with the Georgia army, I would have raised my corn 
on one bank of the river, and fought them on the other ; but 
your people have destroyed my nation. You are a brave man : 
I rely upon your generosity. You will exact no terms of a 
conquered people, but such as they should accede to ; what- 
ever they may be, it would now he madness and folly to op- 
pose. If they are opposed, you shall find me amongst the 
strongest enforcers of obedience. Those who would still hold 
out, can be influenced only by a mean spirit of revenge ; and 
to this they must not, and shall not sacrifice the last remnant 
of their country. You have told us where we might go, and 
be safe. This is a good talk, and my nation ought to listen 
to it. They shall listen to it.' 

" The earnestness and bold independence of his conduct 
left no doubt of the sincerity of his professions. The peace 
party became reconciled to him, and agreed to bury all pre- 
vious animosities. In a few days afterwards, having obtained 
permission, he set out from camp, accompanied by a small 
party, to search through the forest, for his followers and 
friends, and persuade them to give up a contest, in which 
hope seemed to be at an end, and, by timely submission, to 
save their nation from still further disasters."* 

A large number of the Creeks had retired southward to 
* Eaton. 



206 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the Gulf of Mexico, where they could be protected by the 
British and Spaniards. A line of posts was established 
along the frontiers of Georgia and Tennessee to cover the 
country, and overawe the Indians. General Pinckney took 
command of what troops were to remain in the service. 
General Jackson and his brave Tennesseans returned home, 
amid the plaudits of their countrymen. 

"It was now eight months since General Jackson had 
left home, to arrest the progress of the Indian war ; during 
most of which time, he had been in a situation of bodily 
infirmity that would have directed a prudent man to his bed, 
instead of the field. During this period, he had never seen 
his family, or been absent from the army longer than to 
visit Deposit, and arrange with his contractors some certain 
plans to guard against a future failure of supplies. His 
health was still delicate, and rendered retirement essential 
to its restoration ; but his uniformly successful and good 
conduct, had brought him too conspicuously before the pub- 
lic, for any other sentiment to be indulged, than that he should 
be placed, with an important command, in the service of the 
United States. 

" The resignation of General Hampton, enabled the go- 
vernment, in a short time, to afford him the evidences of re- 
spect it entertained for his services and character. A notice 
of his appointment as brigadier and brevet major-general, 
was forwarded on the 22d of May, from the war department. 
General Harrison having, about this time, from some cause, 
become disgusted with the conduct of the government towards 
him, had refused to be longer considered one of her military 
actors; to supply which vacancy, a commission of major-ge- 
neral was immediately forwarded to Jackson. 

"The contest with the Indians being coded; the first 



ANDREW JACKSON. 207 

and principal object of the government was, to enter into 
some definite arrangement, which should deprive of suc- 
cess, any effort that might hereafter be made, by other 
powers, to enlist- these savages in their wars. None was 
so well calculated to answer this end, as that of restricting 
their limits, so as to cut off their communication with British 
and Spanish agents, in East Florida. 

"The citizens of Tennessee, Learning that commissioners 
were appointed for the accomplishment of this pin-pose ; and 
believing themselves as much, or more interested than others, 
in having such a disposition made, as should give complete 
Becurity to their borders, petitioned the government that one 
might he selected from their state. The efforts they had 
made 1 to effect what had been done; and the interests they 
had involved, were considerations that the President did 
riOl scruple to admit. lie accordingly associated < leneral 
Jackson in the mission, and again required his services for 
the establishment of a peace, on such terms as should pro 
mise to he permanent. The circumstance of Colonel Haw 
kins being appointed, was an additional reason, why any 
solicit tide had been felt, or any petition forwarded. IIo 
may have been deceived, and may have founded his opinions 
upon data presumed to he correct; but his continual decla- 
rations, that the Creek Indians intended a rigid adherence 
to their treaties, at the very moment they were planning 
their murderous schemes against the frontiers, led the western 
people to fear, that his agency had lasted too long, to hope 
that he would steadily pursue that course, which the safety 
and interest of the country required. 

" On the 10th of July, the general, with a small retinue, 
reached the Alabama ; and on the 10th of August succeeded 
in procuring the execution of a treaty, in which the Indians 



208 aIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

pledged themselves, no more to listen to foreign emissaries, — 
to hold no communication with British or Spanish garrisons ; 
guaranteed to the United States, the right of erecting mili- 
tary posts in their country, and a free navigation of all their 
waters. They stipulated further, that they would suffer no 
agent or trader to pass among them, or hold any kind of 
commerce or intercourse with their nation, unless specially 
deriving his authority from the President, of the United 
States. 

" General Jackson having understood, that that comfort 
and aid, which had been already so liberally extended, was 
still afforded by the Spanish governor to the hostile Indians, 
who had fled from the ravages of the Creek war, cherished 
the belief that his conduct was such as deservedly to ex- 
clude him from that protection which, under other circum- 
Btances, he would be entitled, from the professed neutrality 
of Spain. At all events, if the improper acts of the Spanish 
agents would not authorize the American government openly 
to redress herself for the unprovoked injuries she had received, 
they were such, he believed, as would justify any course that 
had for its object the putting them down, and arresting 
their continuance. In this point of view he had already 
considered it, when, on his way to the Alabama, he received 
certain information, that about three hundred English troops 
had landed ; were fortifying at the month of the Apalachi- 
cola ; and were endeavoring to excite the Indians to war. 
No time was lost, in giving the government notice of what 
was passing, and the course deemed by him most advisable 
to be pursued. The advantages to be secured by the pos- 
session of Pensacola, he had frequently urged. Whether il 
was that the government beheld things in a different point 
of view, or, being at peace with Spain, was willing to en- 



ANDREW JACKSON. 209 

counter partial inconveniences, rather than add her to the 
number of our enemies, no order to that effect was yet given. 
In detailing to the secretary of war what had been commu- 
nicated to him, he remarks : ' If the hostile Creeks have 
taken refuge in Florida, and are there fed, clothed, and pro- 
tected ; if the British have landed a large force, with muni- 
tions of war, and are fortifying and stirring up the savages ; 
will you only say to me, raise a few hundred militia, which 
can be quickly done, and with such regular force as can be 
conveniently collected, make a descent upon Pensacola, and 
reduce it ? If so, I promise you, the war in the south shali 
have a speedy termination, and English influence be for ever 
destroyed with the savages in this quarter.' "* 

To this communication, the general received no answer 
until after the battle of New Orleans. Upon his own re- 
sponsibility, he addressed a letter to the Spanish governor, 
at Pensacola, requesting that the ringleaders of the Creek 
confederacy, from whom new hostilities were expected, should 
be delivered to United States officers. The governor refused, 
and replied to General Jackson's letter in a very lofty tone. 

But events were about to occur of a nature to test the 
energy and talents of Jackson. Every day's reports con- 
firmed the impression that the British were preparing a 
formidable armament, for a descent upon New Orleans. 
General Jackson urged the governors of Tennessee, Mis- 
sissippi, and Louisiana to be vigilant and to hold all their 
militia in readiness for marching at the shortest notice. 
The Tennessee troops were the first to advance and to reach 
Mobile. With a body of these and a few regulars, General 
Jackson started for New Orleans. He had scarcely started, 
before Fort Boyer, near Mobile, was attacked by a British 

* Eaton.. 



210 LIVES OF THE PKESIDEMS. 

force, commanded by Colonel Nichols. However, the 
little garrison displayed Spartan bravery, and repulsed ths 
assailants, who then returned to Pensacola. This attick 
General Jackson considered as a feint, but determined to 
proceed to Pensacola, and upon his own responsibility, break 
jp the hostile band of British, Spaniards, and Indians there 
assembled. This was an extraordinary resolution, but the 
circumstances certainly justified its formation. The security 
of the frontier and the lives and property of American sub- 
jects which General Jackson was expected to defend, de- 
manded that the rendezvous of the enemy should be destroyed. 
Far from deserving censure for this project, the general 
merited commendation. He incurred all the risk. There 
was no danger of his involving his country in a war with 
Spain. The government might disavow his act, and punish 
him for its commission. 

When Colonel Child's brigade arrived at Fort Stephens, 
General Jackson's whole force amounted to three thousand 
men. On the 2d of November, the line of march was taken up, 
and on the 6th, the army reached the vicinity of Pensacola. 

The British and Spaniards had obtained intelligence of 
its approach and intentions ; and every thing was in readi- 
ness to dispute its passage. The forts were garrisoned, and 
prepared for resistance ; batteries were formed in the prin- 
cipal streets ; and the British vessels were moored Avithin 
the bay, and so disposed as to command the main entrance 
to the town. Before any final step was taken, General 
Jackson concluded to make a further application to the go- 
vernor, and learn what course he would make it necessary 
for him to pursue. To take possession, and dislodge the 
British, was indispensable : to do it under such circum- 
stances, as should impress the minds of the Spaniards with a 



ANDREW JACKSON. 211 

conviction, that the invasion of their territory was a mea- 
sure adopted from necessity, and not from choice, or a dis- 
position to infringe, or violate, their neutral rights, was be- 
lieved to be essential. It was rendered the more so, on the 
part of Jackson, because a measure of his own, and not 
sanctioned or directed by his government. Previously, 
therefore, to any act of open war, he determined to try the 
effect of negotiation, that he might ascertain, certainly and 
correctly, how far the governor felt disposed to preseire a 
good understanding between the governments. 

But all attempts at a peaceable settlement were unavailing, 
and on the 7th, Jackson put his army in motion, and after 
a short conflict, compelled the governor to surrender all 
the works into the hands of the United States forces. Sool 
after the fort at Barancas was blown up, and the British 
vessels left Pensacola bay. Having accomplished the de- 
struction of a dangerous rendezvous, General Jackson resolved 
to return to Mobile, which place, he thought the British 
would again threaten. A detachment was in pursuit of those 
hostile Creeks who had fled from Pensacola. Reaching Mo- 
bile, the general prepared it to resist an attack. In the latter 
part of November, General Winchester arrived. Leaving 
the command of Mobile to this officer, General Jackson 
hastened to New Orleans, which he made his head-quarters. 

General Jackson was now on a new theatre, and soon to 
be brought in collision with an enemy, different from any 
he had yet encountered : the time had arrived, to call forth 
all the energies he possessed. His military career, from its 
commencement, had been obstructed by innumerable lifficul- 
ties, but far greater were now rising to his view. His body 
worn down by sickness and exhaustion, with a mind con- 
stantly alive to the apprehension, that, with the means 



212 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

given him, it would not be in his power to satisfy his own 
wishes, and the expectations of his country, were circum- 
stances well calculated to depress him. He was as yet with- 
out sufficient strength or preparation, to attempt successful 
opposition against the numerous and well-trained troops, 
which were expected shortly at some unprepared point, to 
enter, and lay waste the lower country. What was to be 
hoped, from the clemency and generous conduct of such a 
foe, their march to the city of "Washington already announced ; 
while the imagination painted in lively colors the repetition, 
here, of scenes of desolation, even surpassing what had there 
been witnessed. 

" Louisiana, he well knew, was ill supplied with arms, and 
contained a mixed population, of different tongues, who per- 
haps felt not a sufficient attachment for the soil or govern- 
ment, to be induced to defend them to the last extremity. 
No troops, arms, or ammunition, had yet descended from the 
states of Kentucky and Tennessee. His only reliance for 
defence, if assailed, was on the few regulars he had, the 
volunteers of General Coffee, and such troops as the state 
itself could raise. What might be the final result of things, 
under prospects gloomy as the present, should an enemy 
shortly appear, was no difficult conjecture. His principal 
fears, at present, were, that Mobile might fall, the left bank 
of the Mississippi be gained, all communication with the 
western states cut off, and New Orleans be thus unavoidably 
reduced. Although continually agitated by such forebod- 
ings, he breathed his fears to none. Closely locking all 
apprehensions in his own breast, he appeared constantly 
serene, and as constantly endeavored to impress a general 
belief, that the country could and would be successfull} 7 de- 
fendel. The manifestations of such tranquillity, and ap 



ANDREW JACKSON. 213 

parent certainty of success, under circumstances so un- 
propitious, excited strong hopes, dispelled every tiling like 
fear, and impressed all with additional confidence in their 
security." 

General Jackson was fully aware that spies and traitors 
swarmed in Louisiana. He urged Governor Claiborne to te 
vigilant and determined in discouraging the spirit of discontent 
and treachery. He addressed the people of the state and 
urged them to make a bold stand in defence of their soil and 
freedom. One of the general's addresses concluded in these 
energetic words : — " Our country must and shall be defended. 
We will enjoy our liberty or die in the last ditch." The 
states of Kentucky and Tennessee were actively engaged in 
preparing their forces to advance to the defence of Louisiana. 
The Kentuckians were commanded by Major-General Thomas, 
and the Tennesseeans, by Major-General Carroll. General 
Jackson pushed forward extensive preparations for guarding 
the passes to New Orleans. 

" The legislature of Louisiana had been for some weeks in 
session ; and, through the governor's communication, had 
been informed of the situation and strength of the country, 
and of the necessity of calling all its resources into action ; 
but, balancing in their decisions, and uncertain of the best 
course to be pursued, to assure protection, they as yet had 
resolve 1 upon nothing promising certainty and safety, or 
calculated to infuse tranquillity and confidence in the public 
mind. The arrival of Jackson, however, produced a new 
aspect in affairs. His activity and zeal in preparation, and 
his reputation as a brave and skilful commander, turned 
all eyes towards him, and inspired even the desponding with 
a confidence they had not before felt. 

" The volunteer corps of the city were reviewed, and a 



214 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

visit, in person, made to the different forts, to ascertain 
their situation, and the reliance that might be had on them, 
to repel the enemy's advance. Through the lakes, their 
larger vessels could not pass; should an approach be at- 
tempted, through this route, in their barges, it might be 
met and opposed by the gun-boats, which already guarded 
this passage ; but if, unequal to the contest, they should be 
captured, it vould, at any rate, give timely information of 
a descent, which might be resisted on the landing, before 
an opportunity could be had of executing fully their designs. 
(Jp the Mississippi, however, was looked upon as the most 
probable pass, through which might be made an attempt to 
reach the city ; and here were progressing suitable prepa- 
rations for defence. 

" We have already noticed that Colonel Hayne had been 
despatched from Mobile, with directions to view the Missis- 
sippi near its mouth, and report if any advantageous posi- 
tion could be found for the erection of batteries ; and whe- 
ther the re-establishment of the old fort at the Balize could 
command the river, in a way to prevent its being ascended. 
That it could not be relied on for this purpose, the opinions 
of military men had already declared. General Jackson 
was always disposed to respect the decisions of those, who, 
from their character and standing, were entitled to confi- 
dence : yet in matters of great importance, it formed no 
part of his creed to attach his faith to the statements of any, 
where the object being within his reach, it was in his power 
to satisfy himself. Trusting implicitly in Colonel Hayne, 
as a military man, who, from proper observations, could 
infer correct conclusions, he had been despatched to examine 
how far it was practicable to obstruct and secure this chan- 
uel. His report was confirmatory of ths previous inform* 



ANDREW JACKSON. 215 

tion received, that it was incapable, from its situation, of 
effecting any such object. 

Fort St. Philips was now resorted to, as the lowest 
point on the river, were the erection of works could be at 
all serviceable. The general had returned to New Orleans, 
on the 9th, from a visit to tin's place, which he had ordered 
to be repaired and strengthened. The commanding officer 
was directed to remove every combustible material without 
the fort; to have two additional platforms immediately 
raised ; and the embrasures so enlarged, that the ordnance 
might have the greatest possible sweep upon their circles, 
and be brought to bear on any object within their range, 
that might approach either up or down the river. At a 
small distance below, the Mississippi, changing its course, 
left a neck of land in the bend, covered with timber, and 
which obstructed the view. From this point, down to wher« 
old Fort Bourbon stood, on the west side, the growth along 
the bank was ordered to be cut away, that the shot from 
St. Philips, ranging across this point of land, might reach 
an approaching vessel, before she should be unmasked from 
behind it. On the site of Bourbon, was to be thrown up a 
strong work, defended by five twenty-four-pounders, which, 
with the fort above, would expose an enemy to a cross fire, 
for half a mile. A mile above St. Philips was to be established 
a work, which, in conjunction with the others, would command 
the river for two miles. At Terre au Boeuf, and at the 
English turn, twelve miles below the city were also to be taken 
measures for defence; where it was expected by Jackson, 
with his flying artillery and fire ships, he would be able, cer- 
tainly, to arrest the enemy's advance. This system of de- 
fence, properly established, he believed would give security 
from any attack in this direction. Fort St. Philips, with 



216 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the assistant batteries, above and below, would so concentrate 
their fires, that an enemy could never pass, without suffering 
greatly, and perhaps being so shattered, that they would fall 
an easy prey, to those still higher up the river. The essen- 
tial difficulty was to have them commenced, and speedily 
finished. 

Upon lakes Borgne and Ponchartrain, an equally strong 
confidence was had, that all would be safe from invasion. 
Commodore Patterson, who commanded the naval forces, 
had executed every order with promptness and activity. 
Agreeably to instructions received from the commanding 
general, to extend to all the passes on the lakes every pro- 
tection in his power, he had already sent out the gun-boats, 
under Lieutenant Jones. From their vigilance and capa- 
bility to defend, great advantages were calculated to arise ; 
added to which, the Rigolets, the communication between 
the two lakes, was defended by Petit Coquille fort, a strong 
work, under the command of Captain Newman, which, when 
acting in conjunction with the gun-boats, it was supposed 
would be competent to repel any assault that might here be 
waged. The prospects of defence had been improved, by 
detachments sent out to fell timber across every small bayou 
and creek, leading out of the lakes, and through which a 
passage for boats and barges could be afforded ; and to in- 
crease the obstruction, by sinking large frames in their beds, 
and filling them with earth. Guards and videttes were out 
to watch every thing that passed, and give the earliest in- 
formation. Certain information was at hand, of an English 
fleet being now off Cat and Ship island, within a short dis- 
tance of the American lines, where their strength and num- 
bers were daily increasing Lieutenant Jones, in command 
of the gun-boats, on Lake Borgne, was directed to recon- 



ANDREW JACKSON. 217 

noitre, and ascertain their disposition and force ; and, in the 
event they should attempt, through this route, to effect a 
disembarkation, to retire to the Rigolets, and there, with 
his flotilla, make an obstinate resistance, and contend to the 
last. He remained off Shin island, until the 12th of Decem- 
ber ; when, understanding the enemy's forces were much 
increased, he thought it most advisable to change his anchor 
age, and retire to a position near Malheureux island. 

On the 13th, Jones discovered the enemy moving off in 
barges, and directing his way towards Pass Christian. A 
strong wind having blown for some days to the east, from 
the lake to the gulf, had so reduced the depth of water, 
that the best and deepest channels were insufficient to float 
his little squadron. The oars were resorted to, but without 
rendering the least assistance : it was immoveable. Recourse 
was now had to throwing every thing overboard that could 
be spared, to lighten and bring them off; all, however, was 
ineffectual, — nothing could afford relief. At this moment 
of extreme peril and danger, the tide coming suddenly in, 
relieved from present embarrassment, and lifting them from 
the shoal, they bore away from the attack meditated ; di- 
rected their course for the Rigolets ; and came to anchor at 
one o'clock the next morning, on the west passage of Mal- 
heureux isles ; where, at day, they discovered the pursuit 
had been abandoned. 

At the Bay of St. Louis was a small depot of public 
Btores, which had, that morning, been directed, by Lieute- 
nant Jones, to be brought off. Mr. Johnson, on board the 
Sea Horse, had proceeded in the execution of this order. 
The enemy, on the retreat of Jones, despatched three bargea 
to capture him ; but unable to effect it they were driven 
l»ack. An additional force iioav proceeded against .him ; 



218 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

when a smart action commenced, and the assailants were 
again compelled to retire with some loss. Johnson, satisfied 
that it was out of his power successfully to defend himself, 
and considering it hopeless to attempt uniting, in face of so 
large a force, with the gun-boats off Malheureux, determined 
to blow up his vessel, burn the stores, and effect his retreat 
by land. A prodigious explosion, and flames bursting on 
his view, assured Jones of the probable step that had been 
taken. Early on the morning of the 14th, the enemy's bargee, 
lying about nine miles to the east, suddenly weighed their 
anchors ; and, getting under way, proceeded westwardly to 
the pass, where our gun-boats still lay. The same difficulty 
they had experienced yesterday was now encountered. Per- 
ceiving the approach of the enemy's flotilla, an attempt was 
made to retreat ; but in vain. The wind was entirely lulled, 
and a perfect calm prevailed ; while a strong current, setting 
to the gulf, rendered every effort to retire unavailing. No 
alternative was at hand ; but a single course was left ; — to 
meet and fight them. Forty-three boats, mounting as many 
cannon, with twelve hundred chosen men, well armed, con- 
stituted the strength of the assailants. Advancing in ex- 
tended line, they were presently in reach : and, at half after 
eleven o'clock, commencing a fire, the action soon became 
general. Owing to a strong current, setting out to the east, 
two of the boats, numbers 156 and 163, were unable to keep 
their anchorage, and floated about one hundred yards in ad- 
vance of the line. 

The enemy, coming up with the two gun-boats in ad- 
vance of the line, and relying on their numbers and sup- 
posed superior skill, determined to board. For this pur- 
pose, several large barges bore down on number 156, com- 
manded byLieuterant Jones, but failed in the attempt; 



ANDREW JACKSON. 219 

they were repulsed with an immense destruction, both in 
their officers and crew, and two of their boats sunk ; one of 
them, with one hundred and eighty men, went down, im- 
mediately under the stern of number 156. Again rallying, 
with a stronger force than before, another desperate assault 
was made, to board, and carried at the point of the sword, 
which was again repelled, with considerable loss. The con 
test was now bravely waged, and spiritedly resisted. Lieu- 
tenant Jones, unable to keep on the deck, from a severe 
wound he had received, retired, leaving the command with 
George Parker, who no less valiantly defended his flag, until, 
severely wounded, he was forced to leave his post. No 
longer able to maintain the conflict, and overpowered by 
superior numbers, they yielded the victory, after a contest 
of forty minutes, in which every thing was done that gallantry 
could do, and nothing unperformed that duty required. 

The great disparity of force between the combatants, 
added to the advantages the enemy derived from the peculiar 
construction of their boats, which gave them an opportunity 
to take any position that circumstances and safety directed, 
while the others lay wholly unmanageable, presents a curious 
and strange result ; that, while the American loss was but 
six killed, and thirty-five wounded, that of their assailants 
was not less than three hundred. 

" Resistance on the lakes being at an end, no doubt was 
entertained, but that the moment for action would be, as 
early as the enemy could make his preparations to proceed. 
At what point, at what time, and with a force how greatly 
superior to his own, were matters wholly resting in uncer- 
tainty, and could not be known, until they actually trans- 
pired. All the means of opposition were to be seized on, 
without delay. 



220 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Early on the 15th, expresses were sent off, up the coast, 
in quest of General Coffee ; to endeavor to procure infor- 
mation of the Kentucky and Tennessee divisions, which it 
was hoped were not far distant, and to urge their speedy 
approach. In his communication to Coffee, the general ob- 
serves, " You must not sleep, until you arrive within strik- 
ing distance. Your accustomed activity is looked for. In- 
numerable defiles present themselves, where your riflemen 
will be all important. An opportunity is at hand, to reap 
for yourself and brigade the approbation of your country." 
Having marched eighty miles the last day, Coffee encamped, 
on the night of the 19th, within fifteen miles of New Orleans, 
making, in two days, a distance of one hundred and fifty 
miles. Continuing his advance, early L next morning, he 
halted within four miles of the city, to examine the state and 
condition of his arms ; and to learn, in the event the enemy 
had landed, the relative position of the two armies. 

The advance of Colonel Hinds, from Woodville, with the 
Mississippi dragoons, was not less prompt and expeditious ; 
an active and brave officer, he was, on this, as on all other 
occasions, at his post, ready to act as was required. Having 
received his orders, he hastened forward, and effected, in 
four days, a march of two hundred and thirty miles. 

On the 16th, Colonel Hynes, aid-de-camp to General 
Carroll, reached head-quarters, with information from tho 
general, that he would be down, as early as possible ; but 
that the situation of the weather, and high winds greatly re- 
tarded his progress. The steamboat was immediately put 
:n requisition, and ordered up the river, to aid him in. reach- 
ing his destination, without loss of time. He was advised 
3f the necessity of hastening rapidly forward ; that the lakes 
were in possession of the' enemy, and their arrival dailj 



ANDREW JACKSON. 221 

looked f or : " xkit," continued Jackson, "lam resolved, fee 
ble as my force is to assail him, on his first landing, and 
perish, sooner than he shall reach the city." 

Independent of a large force, descending with General 
Carroll, his coming was looked to with additional pleasure, 
from the circumstance of his having with him a boat, laden 
with arms, which, destined for the defence of the country, 
he had overtaken on the passage. His falling in with them 
was fortunate ; for, had their arrival depended on those to 
whom they had been incautiously given, they might have 
come too late, and after all danger had subsided ; as was 
indeed the case with others, forwarded from Pittsburg, 
which, through the unpardonable conduct of those who had 
been entrusted with their management and transportation, 
did not reach New Orleans, until after all difficulties had 
ended. Great inconvenience was sustained, during the 
siege, for want of arms, to place in the hands of the militia. 
Great as it was, it would have been increased, even to an 
alarming extent, but for the accidental circumstance of this 
boat falling into the hands of the Tennessee division, which 
impelled it on, and thereby produced incalculable advantage. 

While these preparations were progressing, to concen- 
trate the forces within his reach, the general was turning 
his attention to ward off any blow that might be aimed, be- 
fore his expected reinforcements should arrive. Every 
point, capable of being successfully assailed, was receiving 
such additional strength and security as could be given. 
Patroles and videttes were ranged through the country, that 
the earliest information might be had of any intended move- 
ment. The militia of the state was called out en masse: and, 
through the interference of the legislature, an embargo de- 
clared, to afford an opportunity of procuring additional re- 



222 LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS. 

emits for the navy. General Villery, because an inhabitant 
of the country, and best understanding the several points 
on the lakes, susceptible of, and requiring defence, was or- 
dered, with the Louisiana militia, to search out, and give 
protection to the different passes, where a landing might 
be effected. 

Jackson's arrangements were well conceived, and rapidly 
progressing ; but they were still insufficient ; and his own 
forebodings assured him, that, to obtain security, something 
stronger than had been yet resorted to, required to be adopted. 
That there was an enemy in the midst of his camp, more to 
be feared than those who were menancing from abroad, was 
indeed highly probable ; while an appehension indulged, that 
there were many foreigners, who, feeling no attachment for 
Jie country, and having nothing to defend, would not scru- 
ple to avail themselves of every opportunity, to give intelli- 
gence of the strength, situation, and arrangement of his 
camp, Qxcited his fears, and induced a wish to apply the 
earliest possible corrective — that the country, without it, 
could not be saved ; he brought to the view of the legislature 
the propriety and necessity of suspending the writ of habeas 
corpus. They proceeded slowly to the investigation, and 
were deliberating, with great caution, upon their right and 
power to adopt such a measure; when the general, sensiblf 
that procrastination was dangerous, and might defeat the 
cbjects intended to be answered, suspended their councils, 
by declaring the city and environs of New Orleans under 
martial law. 

With the exception of the Kentucky troops, which were 
yet absent, all the forces expected had arrived. jreneral 
Carroll had reached Coffee's encampment four miles above 
the city, on the 21st, and had immediately reported to the 



ANDREW JACRSON. 223 

commanding general. The officers were busily engaged in 
drilling, manoeuvering, and organizing the troops, and in 
having eve/y thing ready for action, the moment it should 
become necessary. No doubt was entertained, but the Bri- 
tish would be able to effect a landing at some point ; the 
principal thing to be guarded against was not to prevent it ; 
for, since the loss of the gun-boats, any attempt of this kind 
could only be regarded as hopeless ; but, by preserving a 
constant vigilance, and thereby having the earliest intelli- 
gence of their approach, they might be met at the very thresh- 
hold, and opposed. Small gun-boats were constantly plying 
on the lakes, to watch, and give information of every move- 
ment. Some of these had come in, late on the evening of 
the 22d, and reported that all was quiet, and that no unfa 
vorable appearance portended in that direction. With such 
vigilance, constantly exercised, it is truly astonishing that 
the enemy should have effected an invasion, and succeeded 
in disembarking so large a force, without the slightest inti- 
mation being had, until they were acciclently discovered 
emerging from the swamp and woods, about seven miles below 
the town : why it so happened, traitors may conjecture, al- 
though the truth is yet unknown. The general impression 
is, that it was through information given by a small party 
of Spanish fisherman, that so secret a disembarkation was 
effected. Several of them had settled at the mouth of this 
bayou, and supported themselves by fish they caught, and 
vended in the market at New Orleans. Obstructions, had 
been ordered to be made on every inlet, and the Louisiana 
militia had been detached for that purpose. This place had 
not received the attention its importance merited : nor was 
it until the 22d, that General Villery, charged with tie execu- 
tion of this order, had placed here a small handful of men. 



224 LIVKS OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Towards day, the enemy, silently proceeding up the nayou, 
landed, and succeeded in capturing the whole of this party, 
hut two, who, fleeing to the swamp, endeavored to reach the 
city ; but, owing to the thick undergrowth, and briars, which 
rendered it almost impervious, they did not arrive, until after 
the enemy had reached the banks of the Mississippi, and been 
discovered. 

The approach of the enemy, flushed with the hope of easy 
victory, was announced to Jackson, a little after one o'clock 
in the afternoon. There were too many reasons, assuring 
him of the necessity of acting speedily, to hesitate a moment, 
on the course proper to be pursued. Could he assail them, 
and obtain even a partial advantage, it might be beneficial — 
it might arrest disaffection — buoy up the despondent — de- 
termine the wavering, and bring within his reach resources 
for to-morrow, which might wholly fail, should fear once 
take possession of the public mind. He resolved, at all events, 
to march, and, that night, give them battle. Generals Coffee 
and Carroll were ordered to proceed immediately from theii 
encampment, and join him, with all haste. Although four 
miles above, they arrived in the city, in less than two hours 
after the order had been issued. These forces, with the 7th 
and 44th regiments, + .he Louisiana troops, and Colonel Hinds's 
dragoons, constituted the strength of his army, which could 
be carried into action against an enemy, whose numbers, at 
this time, could only be conjectured. It was thought ad- 
visable to leave Carrot and his division behind ; for notwith- 
standing there was no correct information cf the force landed 
tin >ugh Villery's canal, yet Jackson feared that this was 
only a feint, intended to divert his attention, while, in all 
probability, a much stronger and more numerous division, 
having already gained some point, higher on the hike, might, 



ANDREW JACKSOJV. 225 

bj advancing in his absence, gain his rear, and succeed in 
their views. Uncertain of their movements, it was essential 
he should be prepared for the worst, and, bj different dispo- 
sitions of his troops, be ready to resist, in whatever quarter 
he might be assailed. Carroll, therefore, at the head of his 
division, and Governor Claiborne, with the state militia were 
directed to take post on the Genially road, leading from Chef 
Menteur to New Orleans, and to defend it to the last extrem- 
ity. Colonel Hayne, with two companies of riflemen and 
the Mississippi dragoons, was sent forward, to reconnoitre 
their camp, learn their position and their numbers, and in 
the event they should be found advancing, to harrass and 
oppose them at every step, until the main body should arrive 
Ihe general arrived in view of the enemy, a little before 
dark. Having previously ascertained, from Colonel Hayne 
their position, and that their strength was about two thousand 
men, he immediately concerted the mode of attack and has 
tened to execute it. Commodore Patterson, commanding 
the naval forces, with Captain Henley, on board the Caro 
line, had been directed to drop down, anchor in front of 
then- hue, and open upon them from the guns of the schooner • 
which being the signal for attack, was to be waged simul-' 
aneously on all sides. The fires from their camp disclosed 
heir position, and showed their encampment, formed with 
he left resting on the river, and extending at right angles 
mto the open held. General Coffee, with his brigade, Colonel 
Hinds s dragoons, and Captain Beal's company of riflemen 
was ordered to oblique to the left, and, by a circuitous route' 
avoid their piquets, and endeavor to turn their right win- 
having succeeded in this, to form his line, and press the 
enemy towards the river, where they would be exposed more 
completely to the fire of the Caroline. The rest of the troops 



226 live! of the presidents. 

consisting of the regulars; Plauche's city volunteers, Daquin's 
colored troops, the artillery under Lieutenant Spotts, sup- 
ported by a company of marines, commanded by Colonel 
M'Kee, advanced along the bank of the Mississippi, and 
were commanded by Jackson in person. 

" General Coffee had advanced beyond their piquets, next 
Ihe swamp, and nearly reached the point to which he was 
ordered, when a broadside from the Caroline announced the 
battle begun. Patterson had proceeded slowly, giving time, 
as lie believed, for the execution of those arrangements con- 
templated on the shore. So sanguine had the British been 
in the belief that they would be kindly received, and little 
opposition attempted, that the Caroline floated by the sen- 
tinels, and anchored before their camp, without any kind of 
molestation. On passing the front piquet, she was hailed, 
in a low tone of voice, but returning no answer, no further 
question was made. This, added to some other attendant 
circumstances, confirmed the opinion that they believed her 
a vessel laden with provisions, which had been sent out 
from New Orleans, and was intended for them. Having 
reached what, from their fires, appeared to be the centre of 
their encampment, her anchors were cast, and her character 
and business disclosed from her guns. So unexpected an 
attack produced a momentary confusion ; but, recovering, 
they answered her by a discharge of musketry, and flight 
of eongreve rockets, which passed without injury, while her 
grape and canister were pouring destructively on them. To 
take away the certainty of aim afforded by their camp fires, 
these Avere immediately extinguished, and they retired two 
or three hundred yards into the open field, if not out of 
reach of the cannon, ai least to a distance, where, by the 
darkness of the night, they would be protected. 



ANDREW JACKSON. 227 

Coffee had dismounted his men, and turned hi» horsea 
lo^se, at a large ditch, next the swamp, in the rear of Lo- 
rond's plantation, and gained, as he believed, the centre of 
the enemy's line, when the signal of the Caroline reached 
him. He directly wheeled his columns in, and, extending 
his lines parallel with the river, moved toward their camp. 
tie had scarcely advanced more than a hundred yards, 
when he received a heavy fire, from a line formed in his 
front ; this, to him, was an unexpected circumstance, as he 
supposed the enemy lying principally at a distance, and that 
the only opposition he should meet, until he approached to- 
wards the levee, would be from their advanced guards. The 
circumstance of his coming up with them so soon, was owing 
to the severe attack of the schooner, which had compelled 
them to abandon their camp, and form without the reach 
of her guns. 

The moon shone, but shed her light too feebly to dis- 
cover objects at a distance. The only chance, therefore, 
of producing certain injury, with this kind of force, which 
consisted chiefly of riflemen, was not to venture at random, 
but only to discharge their pieces when there should be a 
certainty of felling their object. This order being given, 
the line pressed on, and, having gained a position near 
enough to distinguish, a general fire was given ; it was too 
severe and destructive to be withstood ; the enemy gave 
way, and retreated, — rallied, — formed, — were charged, and 
again retreated. These gallant men, led by their bravo 
commander, urged fearlessly on, and drove them from every 
position they attempted to maintain. Their general waa 
under no necessity to encourage and allure them to deeds 
of valor : his own example was sufficient to excite them. 
Always in the midst, he displayed a coolness and disregard 



0( 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



of danger, calling to his troops, that they had often said 
tney could fight — now was the time to prove it. 

The enemy, driven back by the resolute firmness and 
ardor of their assailants, had now reached a grove of orange 
trees, with a ditch running past it, protected by a fence on 
the margin. It was a favorable position, promising security, 
and was occupied with a confidence that they could not be 
forced to yield it. Coffee's dauntless yeomanry, strength- 
ened in their hopes of success, moved on, nor discovered the 
advantages against them, until a fire from the whole British 
line showed their defence.- A momentary check was given ; 
but, gathering fresh ardor, they charged across the ditch, 
gave a deadly and destructive fire, and forced them to re- 
tire. Their retreat continued, until, gaining a similar posi- 
tion, they made another stand, and were again driven from 
it, with considerable loss. " 

Thus the battle raged, on the left wing, until the British 
reached the bank of the river ; here a determined stand was 
made, and further encroachments resisted : for half an hour, 
the conflict was extremely violent on both sides. The Ame- 
rican troops could not be driven from their purpose, nor the 
British made to yield their ground ; but at length, having 
suffered greatly, the latter were under the necessity of tak- 
ing refuge behind the levee, which afforded a breast-work, 
and protected them from the fatal fire of the riflemen, 
Coffee, unacquainted with their position, for the darkness 
had greatly increased, already contemplated again to charge 
them ; but Major Moulton, who had discovered their situa- 
tion, assured him it was too hazardous ; that they could be 
driven no further, and would, from the point they occupied, 
resist with the bayonet, and repel, with considerable loss, 
any attempt to dislodge them. A further apprehension, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 229 

lest, hy moving still nearer to the river, he might greatly 
expose himself to the fire of the Caroline, which was yet 
spiritedly maintaining the conflict, induced Coffee to retire 
until he could hear from the commanding general, and 
receive his further orders. 

During this time, the right wing, under Jackson, was 
no less prompt and active. A detachment of artillery, un- 
der Lieutenant Spotts, supported by sixty marines, formed 
the advance, and had moved down the road, next the levee. 
On their left was the 7th regiment of infantry, led by 
Major Piere. The 44th, commanded by Major Baker, was 
formed on the extreme left ; while Plauche's and Daqum's 
battalions of city guards, were directed to be posted in the 
centre, between the 7th and 44th. 

Instead of marching in column from the first position, 
the troops were wheeled into an extended line, and moved 
off in this order, except the 7th regiment, next the person 
of the general, which advanced agreeably to the instructions 
that had been given. Having sufficient ground to form on 
at first, no inconvenience was at the moment sustained : 
but this advantage presently failing, the centre was com- 
pressed, and forced into the rear. The river, from where 
they were, gradually inclined to the left, and diminished 
che space originally possessed : farther in, stood Lorond's 
house, surrounded by a grove of clustered orange trees : 
this pressing the left, and the river the right wing to the 
centre, formed a curve, which threw the principal part of 
Plauche's and Daquin's battalions without the line. This 
might have been remedied, but for the briskness of the ad- 
vance, and the darkness of the night. A heavy fire from 
behind a fence, immediately before them, had brought the 
enemy to view. Acting in obedience to their orders, not to 



230 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



waste their ammunition at random, our troops had pressed 
forward against the opposition in their front, and thereby 
threw those battalions in the rear. 

A fog rising from the river, which, added to the smoke 
from the guns, was covering the plain, — gradually diminish- 
ing the little light shed by the moon, and greatly increasing 
the darkness of the night : no clue was left, to tell how or 
where the enemy were situated. There was no alternative 
but to move on, in the direction of their fire, which sub- 
jected the assailants to material disadvantages. The British, 
driven from their first position, had retired back, and occu- 
pied another, behind a deep ditch, that ran out of the Mis- 
sissippi towards the swamp, on the top of which was a high 
fence. Here, strengthened by increased numbers, they 
again opposed the approach of our troops. Having waited, 
until they had come sufficiently near to be discovered, they 
discharged, from their fastnesses, a fire upon the advancing 
army. Instantly our battery was formed, and poured de- 
structively upon them ; while the infantry, coming up, aided 
in the conflict, which was for some time spiritedly maintained. 
At this moment, a brisk sally was made upon our advance, 
when the marines, unequal to the assault, were already giv- 
ing way. The adjutant-general, and Colonels Piatt ar d 
Chotard, with a part of the 7th, hastening to their support, 
drove the enemy and saved the artillery from capture. Ge- 
neral Jackson, perceiving the advantages they derived from 
their position, ordered their line to be charged. It was 
obeyed with cheerfulness, and executed with promptness. 
Pressing on, our troops gained the ditch, and, pouring 
across it a well-aimed fire, compelled them to retreat, and 
abandon their entrenchment. The plain, on which they 
were contending, was cut to pieces, by races from the river, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 231 

to convey the water. They were therefore, very soon ena- 
bled to take another situation, equally favorable with the 
one whence they had been just driven, where they formed 
for ba + tle, and, for some time, gallantly maintained them- 
selves ; Sit were at length forced to yield it, and retreat. 

The enemy, discovering the firm and obstinate resistance 
made by the right wing of the American army, and per- 
haps presuming its principal strength vas posted on the 
road, formed the intention of attacking violently the left. 
Obliquing for this purpose, an attempt was made to turn it. 
At this moment, Daquin's and the battalion of city guards 
were marched up, and, being formed on the left of the 44th, 
met and repulsed them. 

The enemy had beeen thrice assailed and beaten, and 
been made to yield their ground for nearly a mile. They 
had now retired, and, if found, were to be again sought for 
through the dark. The general determined to halt, and 
ascertain Coffee's position and success, previously to waging 
the battle further, for as yet no communication had passed 
between them. He entertained no doubt, from the brisk 
firing in that direction, but that he had been warmly engaged ; 
but this had now nearly subsided ; the Caroline, too, had al- 
most ceased her operations ; it being only occasionally, that 
the noise of her guns disclosed the little opportunity she 
possessed of acting efficiently. 

The express despatched to General Jackson, from the left 
wing, having reached him, he determined to prosecute the 
successes he had gained no further. The darkness of the 
night, — the confusion into which his own division had been 
thrown, and a similar one on the part of Coffee, all pointed 
to the necessity of retiring from the field, and abandoning 
the contest. General Coffee was accordingly directed to with- 



6oZ LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

draw, and take a position at Lorond's plantation, where the 
line had been first formed : and thither the troops on the 
right were also ordered to he marched. 

From the experiment just made, Jackson believed it would 
be in his power, on renewing the attack, to capture the 
3nemv : he concluded, therefore, to call down General Car- 
roll with his division, and assail him again at the dawn of 
day. Directing Governor Claiborne to remain at his post, 
with the Louisiana militia, for the defence of the Gentilly 
road, he despatched an order to Carroll, in the event there 
had been no appearance of a force during the night, in the 
direction of Chef Menteur, to hasten and join him with his 
command ; which order was executed by one o'clock in the 
morning. Previously, however, to his arrival, a different con- 
clusion was taken. Although very decided advantages had 
been obtained, yet they had been procured under circum- 
stances that might be wholly lost, in a contest waged in open 
day, between forces so disproportioned, and by undisciplined 
troops against veteran soldiers. Jackson well knew it was 
incumbent upon him, to act a part entirely defensive : should 
the attempt to gain and destroy the city succeed, numerous 
difficulties would arise, which might be avoided, so long as he 
could hold the enemy in check, and halt him in his designs. 
Prompted by these considerations, — that it was important 
to pursue a course calculated to assure safety ; and believing 
it attainable in no way so effectually, as in occupying some 
point, and by the strength he might give it, make up for the 
inferiority of his numbers ; he determined to forbear all fur- 
ther efforts, until he should discover more certainly the views 
of the enemy, and until the Kentucky troops should reach 
him, which had not yet arrived. Pursuing this idea, at four 
o'clock, having ordered Colonel Hinds to occupy the ground 



ANDREW JACKSON. 233 

he was then leaving, and to observe the enemy closely, he 
fell back, and formed his line behind a deep ditch, that ran 
at right angles from the river. 

To present a check, and keep up a show of resistance, 
detachments of light troops were occasionally kept in front of 
the line, assailing and harassing the enemy's advanced posts, 
whenever an opportunity was offered of acting to advantage. 
Every moment that could be gained, and every delay that 
could be extended to the enemy's attempts, to reach the 
the city, was of the utmost importance. The works were 
rapidly progressing, and hourly increasing in strength. The 
militia of the state were every day arriving, and every day 
the prospect of successful opposition was brightening. 

The enemy still remained at his first encampment. To 
be in readiness to repel an assault when attempted, the 
most active exertions were made on the 24th and 25th. The 
canal, covering the front of our line, was deepened and 
widened, and a strong mud wall formed of the earth, that 
had been originally thrown out. To prevent any approach 
until his system of defence should be in a state of forward- 
ness, Jackson ordered the levee to be cut, about one hun- 
dred yards below. The river being very high, a broad 
stream of water passed rapidly through the plain, of the 
depth of thirty or forty inches, which prevented any ap- 
proach of troops on foot. Embrasures were formed, and 
cwo pieces of artillery, under the command of Lieutenant 
Spotts, early on the morning of the 24th, were placed in a 
position to rake the road leading up the levee. 

General Morgan, who, at the English turn, commanded 
the fort on the east bank of the river, Avas instructed to pro 
ceed as n«ar the enemy's camp as prudence and safety would 
permit, and by destroying the levees, to let in the waters of 



234 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



the Mississippi between them. The execution of this order, 
and a similar one, previously made, below the line of de- 
fence, had entirely insulated the enemy, and prevented hia 
march against either place. On the 26th, however, the 
commanding general, fearing for the situation of Morgan, 
who, from the British occupying the intermediate ground, 
was entirely detached from his camp, directed him to aban- 
don his encampment, carry oft* what cannon might be wanted, 
and throw the remainder into the river, where they could 
be again recovered, when the waters rece'ded ; to retire to 
the other side of the river, and, after leaving an adequate 
force, for the protection of Fort Leon, to take a position 
on the right bank, nearly opposite to his line, and have it 
fortified. 

As yet the enemy knew nothing of the position of Jackson. 
What was his situation — what was intended — whether offen- 
sive or defensive operations would be pursued, were circum- 
stances on which they possessed no correct knowledge ; still, 
their exertions, to have all things prepared, to urge their 
designs, whenever the moment for action should arrive, were 
unremitting. They had been constantly engaged, since their 
landing, in procuring from their shipping, every thing ne- 
cessary to ulterior operations. A complete command on the 
lakes, and possession of a point on the margin, presented an 
uninterrupted egress, and afforded the opportunity of con- 
veying what was wanted, in perfect safety to their camp. 
The height of the Mississippi, and the discharge of water, 
through the openings made in the levee, had given an in- 
creased depth to the canal, from which they had first de- 
barked — enable! them to advance their boats much further, 
in the direction of their encampment, and to bring up, with 
greater convenience, their artillery, bombs, and munitions. 



ANDREW JACKSON. 235 

Thus engaged, during the first three days after their arrival , 
early on the morning of the 27th, a battery was discovered 
on the bank of the river, which had been thrown up during 
the preceding night, and on which were mounted several 
pieces of heavy ordnance ; from it a destructive fire was 
opened on the Caroline schooner, lying under the opposite 
shore. 

A well grounded apprehension, of her commander, that 
she could be no longer defended, — the flames bursting 
out in different parts, and fast increasing, induced a fear, 
lest the magazine should soon be reached, and every thing 
destroyed. One of his crew being killed, and six wounded, 
and there being not the glimmering of hope that she could 
be preserved, orders were given to abandon her. The crew 
reached the shore, and in a short time afterwards she blew 
up. Although thus unexpectedly deprived of so material 
a dependence, for successful defence, an opportunity was 
soon presented, of using her brave crew to advantage. 
Gathering confidence, from what had been just effected, the 
enemy left their encampment, and moved in the direction 
of our line. Their numbers had been increased, and Major- 
General Sir Edward Packenham now commanded in person. 
Early on the 28th, his columns commenced their advance 
to storm the works. At the distance of half a mile, their 
heavy artillery opened, and quantities of bombs, balls, and 
congreve rockets, were discharged. At the moment that 
the British, in different columns, were moving up, in all the 
pomp and parade of battle, the batteries opened, and halted 
their advance. In addition to the two mounted on tho 
works, on the 24th, three other heavy pieces of cannon, 
obtained from the navy department, had been formed along 
the line; these opening on the enemy, checked their pro- 



23(3 L.IVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

gress, and disclosed to them the hazard of the project they 
were on. 

From the river the greatest injury was done. Lieutenant 
Thompson, who commanded the Louisiana sloop, which lay 
nearly opposite the line of defence, no sooner discovered 
the columns approaching, than warping her around, he 
brought her starboard guns to bear, and forced them to re- 
treat ; but from their heavy artillery, the enemy maintained 
the conflict with great spirit, constantly discharging their 
bombs and rockets, for seven hours, when, unable to make a 
breach, or silence the sloop, they abandoned a contest, where 
few advantages seemed to be presented. The loss was se- 
vere. While this advance was. made, a column of the enemy 
was threatening an attack on our extreme left ; to frustrate 
the attempt, Coifee was ordered, with his riflemen, to hasten 
through the woods, and check their approach. The enemy, 
although greatly superior to him in numbers, no sooner dis- 
covered his movement, than they retired, and abandoned 
the attack they had previously meditated. 

The British were encamped two miles below the Ameri- 
can army, on a perfect plain, and in full view. Although 
foiled in their attempt to carry our works by the force of 
their batteries, on the 28th, they yet resolved upon another 
attack, and one which they believed would be more success- 
ful. The interim between the 28th of December and 1st 
of January was spent in preparing to execute their designs. 
Their boats had been despatched to the shipping, and an 
additional supply of heavy cannon landed through Bayou 
Bicnvenu, whence they had first debarked. 

During the night of the 31st, they were busily engaged. 
An impenetrable fog, next morning, which was not dispelled 
until nine o'clock, by concealing their purpose, aided them 



ANDREW JACKSON. 237 

in the plans they were projecting, and gave time for the com- 
pletion of their works. This having disappeared, several 
heavy batteries, at the distance of six hundred yards, mounting 
eighteen and twenty-four pound carronades, were presented 
to view. No sooner was it sufficiently clear to distinguish 
objects at a distance, than these were opened, and a tremen- 
dous burst of artillery commenced, accompanied with con- 
greve rockets, that filled the air in all directions. Our troops 
protected by a defence, which, from their constant labors and 
exertions, they believed to be impregnable, unmoved and un- 
disturbed, maintained their ground, and, by their skilful 
management, in the end, succeeded in dismounting and 
silencing the guns of the enemy. 

On the 4th of January, 1815, the long-expected reinforce- 
ment from Kentucky, amounting to twenty-two hundred 
and fifty men, under the command of Major-General Thomas, 
arrived at head-quarters ; but so ill provided with arms, as 
to be incapable of rendering any considerable service. The 
alacrity with which the citizens of this state had proceeded 
to the frontiers, and aided in the north-western campaigns, 
added to disasters which ill-timed polioy or misfortune 
had produced, had created such a drain, that arms were 
not to be procured. No alternative was presented, but to 
place them at his entrenchment in the rear ; and by the 
show that they might make, add to his appearance and 
numbers, without at all increasing his strength. Informa- 
tion was now received that Major-General Lambert had 
joined the British commander-in-chief, with a considerable 
reinforcement. It had been heretofore announced in the 
American camp, that additional forces were expected, and 
something decisive might be looked for, as soon as they 
should arrive. This circumstance, in connection with ethers. 



238 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



no less favoring the idea, led to the conclusion that a few more 
days would, in all probability, bring on the struggle, which 
would decide the fate of the city. 

For eight days had the two armies lain upon the same 
field, and in view of each other, without any thing decisive 
being on either side effected. Twice, since their landing, 
had the British columns essayed to effect by storm the exe- 
cution of their plans, and twice had failed — been compelled 
to relinquish the attempt, and retire from the contest. 

The 8th of January at length arrived. The day dawned ; 
and the signals, intended to produce concert in the enemy's 
movements, Avere descried. On the left, near the swamp, 
a sky-rocket was perceived rising in the air ; and presently 
another ascended from the right, near the river. They 
announced to each other, that all was prepared and ready, 
to proceed and carry by storm, a defence which had twice- 
foiled their utmost efforts. Instantly the charge was made, 
and with such rapidity, that our soldiers, at the out-posts, 
with difficulty fled in. 

The British batteries, which had been demolished on the 
1st of the month, had been re-established during the pre- 
ceding night ; and heavy pieces of cannon mounted, to aid 
in their intended operation. These now opened, and showers 
of bombs and balls were poured upon our line ; while the 
air was lighted with their congreve rockets. The two divi- 
sions, commanded by Sir Edward Packenham in person, 
and supported by Generals Keane and Gibbs, pressed for- 
ward ; the right against the centre of General Carroll's com- 
mand, — the left against our redoubt on the levee. A thick 
fog, that obscured the morning, enabled them to approach 
within a short distance of our intrenchment, before they 
were discovered. They were now perceived advancing, with 



ANDREW JACKSON. 239 

firm, quick, and steady pace, in column, with a front of sixty 
or seventy d<;ep. Our troops who for some time had been 
in readiness, and waiting their appearance, gave three cheers, 
and instantly the whole line was lighted with the blaze of 
their fire. A burst of artillery and small arms, pcuring with 
destructive aim among them, mowed down their front, and 
arrested their advance. In the musketry, there was not a 
moment's intermission ; as one party discharged their pieces, 
another succeeded ; alternately loading and appearing, no 
pause could be perceived, — it was one 3ontinued volley. The 
columns already perceived their dangerous and exposed sit- 
uation. Notwithstanding the severity of our fire, which few 
troops, could for a moment have withstood, some of those 
brave men pressed on, and succeeded in gaining the ditch, 
in front of our works, where they remained during the action, 
and were afterwards made prisoners. The horror before 
them was too great to be withstood ; and already were the 
British troops seen wavering in their determination, and re- 
ceding from the conflict. At this moment, Sir Edward 
Packenham, hastening to the front, endeavored to encourage 
and inspire them with renewed zeal. His example was of 
short continuance : he soon fell, mortally wounded, in the 
arms of his aid-de-camp, not far from our line. Generals 
Gibbs and Keane also fell, and were borne from the field, 
dangerously wounded. At this moment, General Lambert, 
who was advancing at a small distance in the rear, with the 
reserve, met the columns precipitately retreating, and in 
great confusion. His efforts to stop them were unavailing, — 
they continued retreating, until they reached a ditch, at the 
distance of four hundred yards, Avhere a momentary safety 
being found, they were rallied, and halted. 

The field before them, over which they had advanced, was 



240 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

strewed ,vith the dead and dying. Danger hovered still 
around , yet, urged and encouraged by their officers, who 
feared their own disgrace involved in the failure, they again 
moved to the charge They were already near enough to 
deploy, and were endeavoring to do so ; but the same con- 
stant and unremitted resistance, tnat caused their first retreat, 
continued yet unabated. The batteries had never ceased 
their firing ; their constant discharges of grape and canister, 
and the fatal aim of the musketry, mowed down the front 
of the columns, as fast as they could be formed. Satisfied 
nothing could be done, and that certain destruction awaited 
all further attempts, they forsook the contest and the field 
in disorder, leaving it almost entirely covered with the dead 
and wounded. It was in vain their officers endeavored to 
animate them to further resistance, and equally vain to at- 
tempt coercion. The panic produced from the dreadful re- 
pulse they had experienced ; the plain, on which they had 
acted, being covered with innumerable bodies of their country 
men ; while, with their most zealous exertions, they had been 
unable to obtain the slightest advantage, were circumstances 
well calculated to make even the most submissive soldier 
oppose the authority that would have controlled him. 

The light companies of fusileers ; the 43d and 93d regi- 
ments, and one hundred men from the West India regiment, 
led on by Colonel Rennie, were ordered to proceed, undei 
cover of some chimneys, standing in the field, until having 
cleared them, to oblique to the river, and advance, protected 
by the levee, against our redoubt on the right. This work 
having been but lately commenced, was in an unfinished 
state. It was not until the 4th, that General Jackson, much 
against his own opinion, had yielded to the suggestions 
of others, and permitted its projection ; and, considering 



ANDREW JACKSON. 



241 



the plan on which it had been sketched, had not yet received 
that strength necessary to its safe defence. The detachment, 
ordered against this place, formed the left of General Keane'a 
command. Ronnie executed his orders with great bravery, 
and, urging forward, arrived at the ditch. His advance waa 
greatly annoyed by Commodore Patterson's battery on the 
left bank, and the cannon mounted on the redoubt ; but, 
reaching" our works, and passing the ditch, Rennie, sword 
in hand, leaped on the wall, and, calling to his troops, bade 
them follow ; he had scarcely spoken, when he fell, by the 
fatal aim of our riflemen. Pressed by the impetuosity of 
superior numbers, who were mounting' the wall, and entering 
at the embrasures, our troops had retired to the line, in rear 
of the redoubt. A momentary pause ensued, but only to be 
interrupted, with increased horrors. Captain Real, with the 
city riflemen, cool and self-possessed, perceiving the enemy 
in his front, opened upon them, and at every discharge 
brought the object to the ground. To advance, or main- 
tain the point gained, was equally impracticable for the 
enemy : to retreat or surrender was the only alternative ; 
for they already perceived the division on the right thrown 
into confusion, and hastily leaving the field. 

General Jackson, being informed of the success of the 
enemy on the right, and of their being in possession of the 
redoubt, pressed forward a reinforcement, to regain it. Pre- 
viously to its arrival, they had abandoned the attempt, and 
were retiring. They were severely galled by such of our 
guns as could be brought to bear. The levee afforded them 
considerable protection ; yet, by Commodore Patterson's re- 
doubt, on the right bank, they suffered greatly. Enfiladed 
by this, on their advance, they had been greatly annoyed, 
and n^w, in their retreat, were no less severely assailed. 



242 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Numbers found a grave in the ditch, before our line ; and of 
those who gained the redoubt, no one, it is believed, es- 
caped ; — they were shot down, as fast as they entered. The 
route, along which they had advanced and retired, was strewed 
with bodies. Affrighted at the carnage, they moved from the 
scene, hastily and in confusion. Our batteries were still con- 
tinuing the slaughter, and cutting them down at every step : 
safety seemed only to be attainable, when they should have 
retired without the range of our shot ; which, to troops 
galled as severely as they were, was too remote a relief. 
Pressed by this consideration, they fled to the ditch, whither 
the right division had retreated ; and there remained, until 
night permitted them to retire. 

The efforts of the enemy to carry the line of defence on 
the left, were seconded by an attack on the right bank, 
with eight hundred chosen troops, under the command of 
Colonel Thornton. Owing to the difficulty of passing tht 
boats from the canal to the river, and the strong current 
of the Mississippi, all the troops destined for this service 
were not crossed, nor the opposite shore reached for some 
hours after the expected moment of attack. By the time 
he had effected a landing, the day had dawned, and the 
Bashes of the gun announced the battle begun. Supported 
by the three gun-boats, he hastened forward, with his com- 
mand, in the direction of Morgan's entrenchment. 

Colonel Thornton having reached an orange grove, about 
seven hundred yards distant, halted ; and, examining Mor- 
gan's line, found it to " consist of a formidable redoubt on 
the river," with its weakest and most vulnerable point to- 
wards the swamp. He directly advanced to the attack, in 
two divisions, against the extreme right and centre of the 
line; and, having deployed, charged the entrenchment, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 243 

defended by about fifteen hundred men. A severe discharge, 
from the field pieces mounted along our works, caused the 
right division to oblique, which, uniting with the left, pressed 
forward to the point occupied by the Kentucky troops. Per- 
ceiving themselves thus exposed, and having not yet re- 
sovered from the emotions produced by their first retreat, 
they began to give way, and very soon entirely abandoned 
their position. The Louisiana militia gave a few fires, and 
followed the example. Through the exertions of the officers, 
a momentary halt was effected ; but a burst of congreve 
rockets, falling thickly, and firing the sugar-cane, and other 
combustibles around, again excited their fears, and they 
moved hastily away ; nor could they be rallied, until, at the 
distance of two miles, having reached a saw-mill race, they 
were formed, and placed in an attitude of defence. 

Commodore Patterson, perceiving the right flank about 
to be turned, had ceased his destructive fire against the re- 
treating columns on the other shore, and turned his guns 
to enfilade the enemy next the swamp ; but, at the moment 
when he expected to witness a firm resistance, and was in a 
situation to co-operate, he beheld those, without whose aid 
all his efforts were unavailing, suddenly thrown into confu- 
Bion, and forsaking their posts. Discovering he could no 
longer maintain his ground, he spiked his guns, destroyed 
his ammunition, and retired from a post, where he had 
rendered the most important services. 

The events of this day afford abundant evidence of the 
liberality of the American soldiers, and show a striking dif- 
ference in the troops of the two nations. The gallantry of 
the British soldiers, and no people could have displayed 
greater, had brought many of them even to our ramparts, 
where, shot down by our soldiers, they were lying badly 



2U 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENT*. 



wc untied. "When the firing had ceased, and the columns 
had retired, the troops, with generous benevolence, advanced 
over their lines, to assist and bring in the wounded, which, 
lay under and near the walls, when, strange to tell, the 
enemy, from the ditch they occupied, opened a fire upon 
them, and, though at a considerable distance, succeeded in 
wounding several. 

A communication, shortly after, from Major-General 
Lambert, on whom, in consequence of the fall of Generals 
Packenham, Gibbs, and Keane, the command had devolved, 
acknowledges to have witnessed the kindness of our troops 
to his wounded. He solicits of General Jackson permission 
to send an unarmed party, to bury the dead, lying before 
his lines, and to bring off such of the wounded as were dan- 
gerous. Jackson consented that all lying at a greater dis- 
tance than three hundred yards, should be relieved and the 
dead buried : those nearer were, by his own men, to be de- 
livered over, to be interred by their own countrymen. 
This precaution was taken, that the enemy might not have 
an opportunity to inspect, or know any thing of his situation. 

General Lambert, desirous of administering to the relief 
of the wounded, and to be relieved from his apprehensions 
of attack, proposed, about noon, that hostilities should cease, 
until the same hour the next day. General Jackson, greatly 
in hopes of being able to secure an important advantage, 
by his apparent willingness to accede to the proposal, drew 
up an armistice, and forwarded it to General Lambert, with 
directions to be immediately returned, if approved. It con- 
tained a stipulation, that hostilities, on the left bank of the 
river, should be discontinued from its ratification, but not 
on the right ; and, in the interim, no reinforcements were 
to be sent across, by either party. This was a bold stroko 



ANDREW JACKSON. 



245 



at stratagem ; and, although it succeeded, even to the ex- 
tent desired, was yet attended with considerable hazard. 
Although the armistice contained a request that it should 
be immediately signed and returned, it was neglected to be 
acted upon, until the next day ; and Thornton and his com- 
mand, in the interim, under cover of the night, re-crossed, 
and the ground they occupied left to be peaceably possessed 
by the original holders. The opportunity thus afforded, of 
regaining a position, on which, in a great degree, depended 
the safety of those on the opposite shore, was accepted with 
an avidity its importance merited, and immediate measures 
taken to increase its strength, and prepare it against any 
future attack that might be made. This delay of the British 
commander was evidently designed, that, pending the nego- 
tiation, and before it were concluded, an opportunity might 
be had, either of throwing over reinforcements, or removing 
Colonel Thornton and his troops from a situation believed 
to be extremely perilous. Early next morning, General 
Lambert returned his acceptance of what had been proposed, 
with an apology for having failed to reply sooner ; he ex- 
cused the omission, by pleading a press of business, which 
had occasioned the communication to be ovei looked and 
neglected. Jackson was at no loss to attribute the delay to 
the correct motive : the apology, however, was as perfectly 
satisfactory to him, as any thing that could have been of- 
fered : beyond the objects intended to be effected, he felt 
unconcerned, and having secured this, rested perfectly satis- 
fied. It cannot, however, appear otherwise than extraordi- 
nary, that this neglect should have been ascribed by the 
British general to accident, or a press of business, when it 
must have been no doubt of greater importance, at that mo- 
ment, than any thing he could possibly have had before him. 



2-46 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

The conflict was ended, and each army .>ccupied its for- 
mer position. In appearance the enemy were visibly altered; 
menace was sunk into dejection, and offensive measures 
yielded for those which promised safety. The attitude so 
long preserved, was now abandoned ; and they were seen 
throwing up partial defences, to guard against expected at- 
tack. It had been already announced, upon good authority, 
that a considerable force had succeeded in passing the Ba- 
lize — made prisoners of a detachment there, and was pro- 
ceeding up the Mississippi, to co-operate with the land forces. 
It was intended to aid in the battle of the 8th ; but, failing 
to arrive the attack had been made without it. That 
the enemy, chagrined and mortified at the failure of an 
effort, into which the idea of disappointment had never 
entered, might again renew the attack, on the arrival 
of this force, was a probable event, and every preparation 
was now ordered to be made to be again in readiness to 
repel it. 

Of this formidable advance, no certain intelligence was 
received, until the night of the 11th, when a heavy can- 
nonading, supposed to be on Fort St. Philip, was distinctly 
heard. Jackson entertained no fears for the result. The ad- 
vantages of defence, which his precaution and vigilance had 
early extended to this passage, added to his entire confi- 
dence in the skill and bravery of the officer, to whom it had 
been entrusted, led him to believe there was nothing Lo be 
apprehended ; and that every thing which duty and bravery 
could achieve, would be done. 

Major Overton, who commanded at this place, hib officers 
and soldiers, distinguished themselves by their aciirky and 
vigilance. To arrest the enemy's passage up the r.ver, and 
from uniting with the forces below the city, was of great 



ANDREW JACKSON. 247 

importance ; and to succeed in preventing it, as much as 
could be expected. This was accomplished. 

The failure of the squadron to ascend the river, perhaps 
determined General Lambert, in the course he immediately 
adopted. His situation before our line was truly unpleasant. 
Our batteries, after the 8th, were continually throwing 
balls and oombc into his camp ; and whenever a party of 
troops appeared in the field, they were greatly annoyed. 
Thus harassed, — perceiving that all assistance through this 
channel } id failed ; and constantly in apprehension lest an 
attack should be made upon him, he resolved on availing 
himself of the first favorable opportunity to depart and for- 
sake a contest, where every effort had met disappointment, 
and where an immense number of troops had found their 
graves. The precaution taken by the enemy, and the ground 
over which they were retreating, prevented pursuit, in suffi- 
cient numbers to secure any valuable result. The system 
of operations which Jackson had prescribed for himself, he 
believed was such as policy sanctioned, nor to be abandoned 
but for the advantages evidently certain, and which admitted 
not of question. To have pursued, on a route protected and 
defended by canals, redoubts, and entrenchments, would, at 
least, have been adventuring upon an uncertain issue, where 
success wa^ extremely problematical. 

Thus, in total disappointment, terminated an invasion 
from which much had been expected. Twenty-six days 
ago, flushed with the hope of certain victory, had this army 
erected its standard on the banks of the Mississippi. At 
that moment they would have treated with contempt an as- 
sertion thatin ten days they would, not enterthe city of New 
Orleans. How changed the portrait, from the expected 
reality! On the 20th, General Jackson, with his remaining 



248 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

forces, commenced his march to New Orleans. The general 
glow excited, at beholding his entrance into the city, at the 
head of his victorious army, was manifested by all those 
feelings which patriotism and sympathy inspire. The win- 
dows and streets were crowded to view the man, who, by his 
vigilance, decision, and energy, had preserved the country 
from the fate to which it had been devoted. 

In March, several statements appeared in a New Orleans 
paper, which General Jackson thought were calculated to 
introduce discontent and insubordination among the troops. 
These statements were rumors of peace. They were true, 
but the general was not sure of that, or that they were not 
devices of the enemy, to procure a relaxation of his military 
system. There were other assertions made which were no- 
toriously false and pernicious. As the editor refused to 
retract, he was arrested. Judge Hall, wishing to vidicate 
the supremacy of the civil authority, issued a writ of habeas 
eorpus — General Jackson, instead of surrendering the edi- 
tor, arrested the judge also, and sent him into the interior, 
with these instructions : " I have thought proper to send 
you beyond the limits of my encampment, to prevent a re- 
petition of the improper conduct with which you have been 
charged. You will remain without the line of my sentinels, 
until the ratification of peace is regularly announced, or 
until the British have left the southern coast." The justi- 
fication of this extraordinary proceeding is to be found in 
the circumstances of General Jackson's position. Surrounded 
as he was by persons of doubtful fidelity to the country, and 
uncertain in regard to the movements of the enemy, it was 
necessary that the stringency of the martial law he had 
proclaimed should be maintained. The legislature and 
many officials had manifested a disposition to yield tbe 



ANDREW JACKSCN. 249 

country to the enemy, without a struggle. To preserve 
Louisiana for the United States, it was necessary that their 
authority should be set at naught. 

On the loth of March, 1815, the news of peace was re- 
ceived from the general government. Judge Hall now re- 
turned to New Orleans, and summoning General Jackson 
to appear before him, became the judge in his own cause, 
and, refusing to hear the defence offered by the general, 
fined him a thousand dollars. The people of New Orleans 
were indignant, and made up the fine by voluntary subscrip- 
tion. But General Jackson paid it himself and refused to 
be remunerated. The general now returned to Nashville, 
Tennessee. His rapid and brilliant military career now 
came to a stand, though he held command of the southern 
division of the army. The legislatures of many of the states 
passed resolutions of approbation of his achievements, and 
the Congress of the United States, besides commendatory 
resolutions, directed a gold medal to be presented to him, 
commemorative of the battle of New Orleans. 

The Seminole Indians of Florida, showing their hostility, 
by committing hostilities on the frontiers, caused the general 
government to order General Gaines to procect the inhabi- 
tants of the south-western section of the Union. That 
officer erected three forts, and strove to establish peace with 
the Indians, but did not succeed. Early in 1818, the Se- 
mi noles fell in with a party of forty men, under Lieutenant 
Scott, at the mouth of Flint river, and massacred them all 
but six, who escaped by swimming. 

As soon as the news of this outrage reached General Jack- 
son, he raised two thousand five hundred men, and marched 
for the Mickasucky villages, which he reached on the 1st of 
April. The villages were deserted. General Jackson burned 



250 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



them, and then hastened to St. Marks, a Spanish post, on 
the Apalachee Bay, in Florida. Two persons, who were 
traders with the Indians, namely, Arbuthnot, a Scotchman, 
and Ambrister, a British lieutenant of marines, were made 
prisoners near St. Marks, by General Jackson, and confined. 
Both were accused of exciting the Indians to hostility, and 
being tried and found guilty by a court-martial were sen- 
tenced to death. One was shot and the other hung by order 
of General Jackson. 

About the middle of May, General Jackson took posses- 
sion of Pensacola and Fort Basancas, notwithstanding the 
remonstrance of the governor, and captured and hung two 
Indian chiefs, under circumstances which he deemed justi- 
fiable. On the 2d of June, 1818, the general informed the 
secretary of war, that the Seminole war might be considered 
as closed. He now retired to Nashville, and shortly after 
resigned his commission in the army. 

In January, 1819, General Jackson visited Washington, 
while his conduct in the Seminole war was under discussion 
in Congress. His course was approved by a large majority 
of the members, and by the President and a majority of the 
cabinet, though the Spanish posts in Florida vrere restored. 
The resolutions of censure were rejected. The general now 
visited various cities and towns, and was recei ved with many 
marks of respect and admiration. 

" In June, 1821, the President appointed him governor of 
Florida, which office he accepted, and in August he tcok pos- 
session of the territory, according to the treaty of cession. 
The Spanish governor, Callava, having refused to give up 
certain public documents, deemed of importance, he was taken 
into custody, by order of Governor Jackson, and committed 
to prison- The papers being fonnd, under a search-warrant 



ANDREW JACKSON. 



251 



issued by Jackson, Callava, was immediately set at liberty. 
Jackson remained but a few months in Florida ; for, disliking 
the situation, and disapproving of the extent of power vested 
in him as governor, he resigned the office and again retired 
to Tennessee. President Monroe offered him the appoint- 
ment of minister to Mexico, which he declined in 1823. 

" In July, 1822, General Jackson was nominated by the 
legislature of Tennessee as a candidate for the Presidency of 
the United States. This nomination was repeated by assem- 
blages of the people in several other states. In the autumn 
of 1823, he was elected by the legislature a senator from 
Tennessee, and took his seat in the senate of the United 
States in December, 1823. He voted for the protective 
tariff of 1824. The popularity of General Jackson with the 
people of the United States, was shown at the presidential 
election of 1824, when he received a greater number of elec- 
toral votes than either of his competitors, namely, ninety- 
nine. But Mr. Adams was chosen in the house of represen- 
tatives. After the election of Mr. Adams to the Presidency, 
the opposition to his administration was soon concentrated 
upon General Jackson as a candidate to succeed him. In 
October, 1825, he was again nominated by the legislature of 
Tennessee for President, on which occasion he resigned hia 
seat in the senate of the United States. During the canvass 
which resulted in his election to the Presidency in 1828, by 
a majority of more than two to one, of the electoral votes, 
over Mr. Adams, he remained in private life."* 

Before departing for Washington, in 1829, to take tho 
reins of government, the general was severely afflicted by tho 
death of his wife, a lady of rare accomplishments. His in- 
auguration took place on the 4th of March, 182'J. Wash- 
* Statesman's Manual. 



252 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

ington was thronged with the general's triumphant and ( rithu* 
siastic friends. The address was considered equal in point 
of style to those of several of his illustrious predecessors, 
while it was distinguished for its profession of republican 
principles. John C. Calhoun had been re-elected Vice 
President. 

The members of Mr. Adams's cabinet having resigned, 
President Jackson nominated the following gentlemen for 
heads of the respective departments, who were promptly 
confirmed by the senate : Martin Van Buren, of New York, 
Secretary of State ; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, 
Secretary of the Treasury ; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, 
Secretary of War ; John Branch, of North Carolina, Secre- 
tary of the Navy ; John McPherson Berrien, of Georgia, At- 
torney-General. It being determined to introduced the Post- 
master-General into the cabinet, the incumbent of that office, 
John McLean, was appointed a justice of the Supreme 
Court, and William T. Barry, of Kentucky, received the 
appointment of Postmaster-General. 

The great features of President Jackson's administra- 
tion — were the great number of removals from office, under 
the avowed doctrine that the President should reward hi3 
friends and punish his enemies ; the veto of the charter of 
the national bank, and the removal of the deposites — the 
firm opposition to the schemes of the nullifiers, under the 
lead of John C. Cavnoun and Robert Y. Hayne — and the 
bold, decided tone held in the difficulties with France. Those 
are still matters for discussion, and a cool, impartial inves- 
tigation of their justice and expediency has yet to be made. 
We conceive that such an investigation would occupy too 
much space for our volume, and, perhaps, be foreign to our 
purpose. 



ANDREW JACKSON. 253 

At a very early period of the administration, a coolness 
between the Vice President, Mr. Calhoun, and the Secretary 
of State, Mr. Van Buren, was manifested. This grew out 
of their rival pretentions to the succession to the Presidency. 
Finally, Mr. Calhoun was completely estranged from the 
administration, and his influence went to strengthen the 
opposition. Mr. Van Buren's political fortunes were thereby 
much advanced, and when President Jackson was persuaded 
:o accept a nomination for another term of office, Mr. Van 
Buren was nominated by the same party for the Vice Presi- 
dency. Late in the summer of 1831, the cabinet of Presi- 
dent Jackson was completely re-organized, as follows : Ed- 
ward Livingston, of Louisiana, Secretary of State ; Louis 
M'Lane, Secretary of the Treasury ; Lewis Cass, of Ohio, 
Secretary of War; Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, 
Secretary of the Navy ; Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, 
Attorney-General. This cabinet was not only superior to 
that which preceded it, in point of administrative talents, 
but might fairly compare with most of those of previous ad- 
ministrations. Foreign and domestic affairs were managed 
by it with consummate ability. 

In the fall of 1832, parties girded up their loins and 
lifted their banners for another presidential contest. The 
anti-masonic convention, which met in September, nomi- 
nated William Wirt, of Maryland, for President, and Amos 
Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania, for Vice President. The great 
majority of the opposition supported Henry Clay, of Ken- 
tucky, for President, and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, 
was placed on the same ticket, as a candidate for the Vice 
Presidency. Mr. Calhoun and his South Carolina friends 
supported John Floyd and Henry Lee. In the electoral 
college, the votes for President stood as follows: Andrew 



254 LI7ES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Jackson, two hundred and nineteen ; Henry Clay, forty- 
uine ; John Floyd, eleven ; William Wirt, seven. For Vice 
President — Martin Van Buren, one hundred and eighty- 
nine ; John Sergeant, forty-nine ; William Wilkins, thirty ; 
Henry Lee, eleven ; Amos Ellmaker, seven. 

It was anticipated that the second term of President Jack- 
son would pass away peaceably. But the removal of the de- 
posites, and the determined hostility evinced by the admin- 
istration, caused the bank directors to adopt measures of re- 
trenchment, which gave rise to much commercial distress, 
and ultimately strengthened the opposition in Congress. In 
June, 1834, Mr. M'Lane, who had succeeded Mr. Livingston, 
having resigned, John Forsyth, of Georgia, was appointed 
Secretary of State ; Mahlon Dickerson, of New Jersey, Sec- 
retary of the Navy, in place of Levi Woodbury, appointed 
Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Taney had been nominated 
to the post of Secretary of the Treasury to effect the removal 
of the deposits. The senate, however, refuood to confirm 
the nomination. The election in the fall of 1836, resulted 
in the election of Martin Van Buren to the Presidency and 
Colonel Richard M. Johnson to the Vice Presidency, the latter 
being chosen by the senate. These gentlemen were warm 
supporters of the administration of General Jackson. 

General Jackson now issued a farewell address to his 
countrymen, embodying his political principles, and after 
witnessing the inauguration of his successor, retired to the 
Hermitage, in Tennessee, his favorite residence, where he 
passed the remainder of his days. He was a member of 
the presbyterian church, and religious faith appears to havo 
cheered the latter period of his life. He retained his men- 
tal faculties unimpaired, up to the hour of his decease, which 
occurred on the 8th of June, 1845. His countrymeu 



ANDREW JACKSON. 255 

throughout the United States, joined in tokens of respect to 
his memory. He left no relatives, and his estate was be- 
queathed to members of the Donnelson family, the relations 
of Mrs. Jackson. * 

" Jackson's face and figure were so remarkable that no- 
thing could be an easier task to an artist than to get a like- 
ness of him. His face confirmed every dictum, of the physi- 
ognomist. It was long and narrow, and prominent below. 
A mouth and chin more expressive of stern decision can 
scarce be imagined ; the nose high and long, and a little 
drooping, indicating the strength of character (Bonaparte 
would hardly employ a man in any important trust who had 
not a large nose,) with a mixture of shrewdness. This quality 
was also strongly marked in the large folds of skin about the 
eyes, (often called crow's feet ;) his cheeks were hollow, the 
eye itself was the eye of an eagle — cold, grey, piercing in the 
highest degree, and when contracted by rage, darting like 
fire ; the brow was fretful, serious, and lowering. His figure 
was tall and commanding, but thin and sinewy ; his hair 
of iron gray, was stiff and unyielding, very abundant, and 
stood erect upon his head. He looked well when standing, 
still better when on horseback, and his appearance was much 
improved by a splendid uniform. When sitting, he usually 
crossed one knee over the other. His hands were lonr<; and 
bony ; toward the close of life he had a little stoop in the 
back, when seated, "f 

The chief feature in General Jackson's character was the 
inflexibility of his will. When he resolved, there was no 
possibility of swerving or bending his resolution. His pas- 
sions were powerful — so that his friendship was to be courted 
and his hatred to be feared. His mind was naturally strong 
* Statesman's Manual. f A. J. Stansbviry. 



-lo6 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

and keen, and particularly fitted for originating and govern 
ing military movements. Military men of reputation have 
borne testimony to the talents displayed by him at the battle 
of New Orleans, and in the Creek war, and his services 
certainly entitle him to the gratitude of every patriotic citi- 
zen. In regard to the wisdom of his statesmanship, widely 
different opinions are entertained. Perhaps, however, it 
will be agreed, that though he was occasionally arbitrary, 
he, in general, managed the foreign and domestic relations 
of the country with honesty, energy, determination, and 
a considerable share of judgment. 







W'-* 



Wj *'WP 



MARTIN VAN BUREN. 

The Presidents of the United States, from Washington 
to Jackson, were the children of the revolution. They had 
heard the trump of liberty and witnessed the struggles of 
the infant Hercules for freedom and independence. So linked 
with glorious memories, they could not but be patriotic, and 
whether they acted wisely or weakly, the people never 
doubted that their hearts were devoted to their country, and 
its welfare. But now, a new generation was to attempt to 
occupy the seat of the mighty men of the past. Younger 
hands were to be tried at the helm ; and grave fears and ap- 
prehensions arose that they would be unequal to the task of 
government. Martin Van Buren was the first of the new 
school. 

The ancestors of Mr. Van Buren were among the early 
emigrants from Holland to New York. The father of the 
President, Abraham Van Buren, was a resident of the old 
town of Kinderhook, Columbia county, on the east bank of 
the Hudson, a farmer of moderate circumstances, and an 
intelligent and upright man. He married a Miss Hoes, a 
distant relative, distinguished for amiability, intelligence and 
exemplary piety. Martin Van Buren, the eldest son of these 
parents, was born at Kinderhook, December 5th, 1782. 

257 



258 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

After acquiring the rudiments of an English education, 
Martin became a student in a Kinderhook academy. Here 
he made rapid progress in English literature and gained seme 
knowledge of Latin. He is said to have displayed extraor- 
dinary quickness of observation upon character and events, 
and to have possessed a strong passion for composition and ex- 
tempore speaking. In 1796, at the age of fourteen, Martin 
commenced the study of the law in the office Francis Sylvester, 
Esq., of Kinderhook. At that time, young men, who had 
not enjoyed the advantages of a collegiate education, were 
compelled to pass seven years in preparatory studies, before 
they could be admitted to practise. But the management 
of cases before justices of the peace frequently devolved on 
the students, and on these occasions, Martin Van Buren 
displayed extraordinary penetration and readiness of speech. 
While pursuing his legal studies he was very attentive to 
political events and the relative positions of parties, and on 
all occasions evinced an attachment for the republican or 
Jefferson party. The last year of Mr. Van Buren's prepa 
ratory study was passed in the city of New York, in the office 
of Mr. William P. Van Ness, and under his direction. 

Mr. Van Ness was a distinguished member of the bar and 
a leader of the democratic party. He was intimate with 
Colonel Burr, and introduced Mr. Van Buren to the notice 
of that able politician. The younger lawyer thus enjoyed 
every advantage for studying law and politics, and he was 
quick and skilful in availing himself of his opportunities. In 
November, 1803, in the thirty-first year of his age, Mr. Van 
Buren was admitted as an attorney at law, to the bar of the 
supreme court in the state of New York, and immediately re- 
turned to his native village to practise his profession, in 
partnership, with his half-brother, the Honorable James I. 



MARTIN VAN BUREN. 



259 



Van Allen. The bar of Columbia county, at that time em- 
braced some of the finest talent of any in New York, and Mr. 
Van Buren had to contend with it, on his upward way. Parties 
were in a very excited state at that period. The republicans 
were struggling hard to gain the ascendancy throughout the 
country. Although they had a clear majority in the state 
of New York, they succumbed to the federalists in many 
counties. In Columbia, the reins were in the hands of the 
wealthy land-holders, who were generally federalists and op- 
posed to the extension of popular rights. Mr. Van Buren's 
early display of energy and ability attracted their attention, 
and no ordinary pains were taken to detach him from the 
republicans. His partner and many of his nearest relation? 
and friends were members of the federal party, and as they 
considered that his political preferences would interfere with 
his prosperity, they strove to win him to their views. But 
Mr. Van Buren remained firm in the faith which his father 
had held in the revolution, and which he had on the onset 
espoused. Thus connected with the democratic party, he 
naturally became the vindicator not only of their political 
faith, but of their legal rights. The conflicts in which 
he engaged, rapidly invigorated and enlarged his natural 
powers. 

In 1807, Mr. Van Buren was admitted as a counsellor in the 
supreme court, where he was brought into more immediate 
collision with the most distinguished members of the legal 
professions. In 1808, he was appointed surrogate of Columbia 
county, soon after which he removed to the city of Hudson, 
where he resided during seven years, and maintained a high 
rank in his profession. His practice became extensive and 
lucrative. His career as a lawyer occupies a period of twenty- 
five years, and was closed in 1828. Throughout, Mr. Van 



260 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



Buren held an enviable reputation, for skill, learning, and 
integrity.* 

Mr. Van Buren was married in 1806, to Miss Hannah 
Hoes, to whom, he had, at an early age evinced an ardent 
attachment. This amiable lady died of consumption, in 
1818, leaving her husband four sons. Mr. Van Buren has 
since remained a widower. So much for the private and 
professional life of the subject of this memoir. 

Mr. Van Buren began his career as a politician at the 
age of eighteen years, being then deputed by the republi- 
cans of his native town to attend a convention of delegates 
to nominate a candidate for the legislature. His talents 
were exercised on that occasion in preparing an address to 
die electors of the district in which he resided. Mr. Jeffer- 
von's administration received his constant support. In the 
state elections, Mr. Van Buren sacrificed personal friend- 
ship to give his earnest and unwavering support to the 
regularly nominated candidates of Ins party, caring nothing 
for men, but every thing for measures. 

In 1812, Mr. Van Buren was, for the first time, a candi- 
date for an elective office, having been nominated a senator 
from the counties then comprising the middle district of the 
state. Edward L. Livingston, a man of wealthy connections, 
and high in the favor of the federal party, was his opponent. 
The struggle was close and violent. Mr. Van Buren ob- 
tained a majority of about two hundred votes, in an aggre- 
gate of twenty thousand, and was thus at the age of thirty, 
placed in the highest branch of the legislature. From the 
commencement of his legislative career, Mr. Van Buren 
gave to all the war measures of Mr. Madison's administra- 
tion a strenuous and efficient support. 
* Statesman's Manual. 



MARTIN VAN BUREN. 



261 



In 1815, Mr. Van Buren was appointed attorney-general 
of the state of New York, and also a regent of the univer- 
sity. In the spring of the next year, he was re-elected to 
the state senate for the term of four years. As a senator; 
he advocated with zeal and ability the great project of in- 
ternal improvements contemplated by De Witt Clinton. 
During the war, Governor Tompkins and Mr. Van Buren 
were considered the leaders of the democratic party in the 
state of New York. 

In 1818, Mr. Van Buren, having determined to oppose 
the administration of De Witt Clinton, commenced the or- 
ganization of that portion of the democratic party who were 
dissatisfied with Clinton's election. This body is said to 
have swayed the destinies of New York for about twenty, 
five years. The "Albany Regency," of which Mr. Van 
Buren was regarded as the head, was a constant butt for 
vituperation among the friends of Clinton. The difficulties 
in the democratic party, between the respective friends of 
Mr. Van Buren and Governor Clinton, soon caused an open 
rupture, the great body of the democrats siding with Mr. 
Van Buren. The council of appointment, being devoted to 
the views of the governor, in July, 1819, removed Mr. Van 
Buren from the office of attorney-general. This made the 
opposition more violent. However, Clinton was re-elected 
governor, in spite of the most strenuous efforts of his oppo- 
nents. An attempt at reconciliation was made — the office 
of attorney-general being again offered to Mr. Van Buren. 
but he declined it. 

In February, 1821, he was elected by the legislature of Ne^ 
York, a member of the United States senate, in place of 
Nathan Sandford, a democrat, whose term expired in March, 
S 821 In August of the same year, he took a seat in the 



2f>2 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

convention to revise the constitution of the state of New 
York. In this convention, Mr. Van Buren proposed and 
advocated such amendments as he thought would secure just 
privileges to citizens of all grades and colors, while they 
would not prevent the adoption of the constitution hy the 
people. Kis course was satisfactory to men of all parties. 
and highly honorable to his talents as a statesman. 

Mr. Van Buren took his seat in the senate of the United 
States, in December, 1821, and soon became distinguished 
as an active and influential legislator. He advocated with 
zeal and force of reason, the abolition of imprisonment for 
debt on actions in the United States' courts, amendments 
to the judiciary system, a bankrupt law — to include corpo- 
rations as well as persons, and the investment of the public 
lands in the states in which they were situated, on some just 
iii id equitable terms. When Mr. Crawford became a can- 
didate for the succession to President Monroe, Mr. Van 
Buren labored to effect his election, but was unsuccessful. 
He opposed the administration of Mr. Adams, and lent all 
his influence to strengthen the party which sought to "aise 
General Jackson to the Presidency. 

In February, 1827, Mr. Van Buren was re-elected to the 
United States senate, by the legislature of his native state. 
But circumstances soon caused his resignation. Governor 
Clinton died in February, 1828, and Mr. Van Buren was 
chosen to succeed him in the gubernatorial office. Entering 
upon his duties on the 1st of January, 1828, Mr. Van Bu- 
ren first devoted himself to financial matters. The famo'^s 
safety-fund system, combining the monied interest of the 
Btate, which he proposed to the legislature, was adopted ; but 
the experience of a few years proved that it could not equal 
public expectation. 



MARTIN VAN BUREN. 263 

In forming his first cabinet, President Jackson offered tho 
post of Secretary of State to Mr. Van Buren. The general 
said he made the offer as a tribute to acknowledged talents 
and public services, and in accordance with the wishes of 
the republican party throughout the Union. On the 12th 
of March, 1829, Mr. Van Buren resigned the office of 
Governor of the state of New York, and soon afterwards 
entered upon the duties of his new position in the general 
government. 

Mr. Van Buren's management of foreign relations did 
not give general satisfaction. In particular, his instructions 
to Mr. M'Lane, minister to England, concerning the open- 
ing of the West Indian ports to American vessels, were 
severely censured. Though the treaty upon this subject 
was ultimately beneficial to the United States. Yet the 
principle contended for by Great Britain prevailed, and it 
was contended that the honor of the country had been sac- 
rificed. On the 7th of April, 1831, Mr. Van Buren re- 
signed the office of Secretary of State, assigning as a reason, 
that circumstances beyond his control had presented him 
before the public as a candidate for the succession to the 
Presidency, and that the injurious effects necessarily result- 
ing from a cabinet minister's holding that relation to the 
country, had left him only the alternative of retiring from 
the administration, or of submitting to a self-disfranchise 
ment, hardly reconcileable with propriety and self-respect. 
Soon after, General Jackson's cabinet was entirely changed 

Mr. Van Buren was now appointed by the President, 
minister to the Court of St. James. On his arrival in Lon- 
don, in September, 1831, he was received with distinguished 
favor. But his diplomatic career was destined to be very 
short. Soon after the meeting of Congress, in December 



264 LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS. 

the President submitted the nomination of Mr. Van Burei: 
to the senate. He was rejected by that body, it was said, 
in consequence of their disapproval of the instructions he 
had, while Secretary of State, given to Mr. M'Lane, in refe- 
rence to the West India trade. The democratic party con- 
demned this rejection as an act of political persecution. 
The President assumed the entire responsibility of the in- 
structions condemned by the senate, declared they were " the 
result of his own deliberate investigation and reflection, and 
still appeared to him to be entirely proper and consonant 
to his public duty." 

On the 22d of May, 1832, Mr. Van Buren was nomi- 
nated as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, upon the 
same ticket with General Jackson. The result was a tri- 
umphant election of both to the respective offices to which 
they were nominated. Mr. Van Buren received one hun- 
dred and eighty-nine electoral votes, to ninety-seven for all 
other candidates for the Vice Presidency. He returned 
from England to enjoy his triumph over his political oppo- 
nents. On the 4th of March, 1833, he was inaugurated 
Vice President. He presided over the senate for four years, 
giving general satisfaction.* 

On the 20th of May, 1835, the democratic convention 
met at Baltimore, to nominate candidates for the two highest 
offices in the gifts of the people. The result had been anti- 
cipated. Mr. Van Buren was unanimously nominated as 
the candidate of the party for President, and Colonel Richard 
M. Johnson, of Kentucky, received the nomination for Vice 
President. The result of the vote by the electoral college 
was one hundred and seventy for Mr. Van Buren, including 
Michigan, (3) informal, and one hundred and twenty-four 

* Statesman's Manual. 



MARTIN VAJN BUREN. 265 

for all other candidates. Colonel Johnson did not receive 
a majority of the electoral vote. But lie was elected by 
the senate, according to the provisions of the constitution. 

Mr. Van Buren was inaugurated as President of the United 
States, on the 4th of March 1837. From the assurance of 
the inaugural address, the people expected that the policy 
of the government would remain unchanged 

The new President selected for his cabinet, John Forsyth, 
of Georgia, for Secretary of State ; Levi Woodbury, of New 
Hampshire, Secretary of the Treasury ; Joel R. Poinsett, of 
South Carolina, Secretary of War ; Mahlon Dickerson of 
New Jersey, Secretary of the Navy ; Amos Kendall, of Ken- 
tucky, Postmaster-General ; and Benjamin F. Butler, of New 
York, Attorney-General. All of these gentlemen, except 
Mr. Poinsett, had been appointed by General Jackson to the 
respective offices named, and they were continued by Mr. 
Van Buren. 

The new administration commenced its career in cloudy 
times. Early in May, the commercial pressure was made 
palpable, by all the banks in New York suspending specie 
payments. The banks of Boston, Providence, Hartford, 
Albany, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and in many other 
towns followed the same course. On the 16th of May, the 
legislature of New York passed an act authorizing the sus- 
pension of specie payments by the banks of that state for 
.me year. During the preceding two months, unparalleled 
embarrassments were experienced among the mercantile 
classes, and in the large cities business was at a stand. Pe- 
titions poured in, to the President, praying him to rescind the 
specie circular issued by General Jackson in 1836, which re- 
quired all payments for the public lands to be made in gold 
and silver, to defer commencing suits on unpaid bonds, and 



266 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



to call an extra session of Congress. The President for some 
time, declined to act on the petitions ; but the exigency in 
which the financial affairs of the government were placed, 
finally induced him to convene Congress upon the first Monday 
in September. 

The extra session lasted forty-three days. The democrats 
were in a majority in both houses ; but a small portion of 
the party did not coincide with the President in his views 
of financial affairs, and the representatives of this portion, 
voting with the whigs, defeated the independent treasury 
scheme, the favorite financial measure of the administration. 
This measure was proposed at the extra session, and then 
again at the first regular session, and each time rejected. 

In June, 1838, Mahlon Dickerson resigned the office of 
Secretary of the Navy, and James K. Paulding, of New 
York, was appointed in his place. It was now evident that 
the popularity of the administration was on the decline. At 
the state election the opposition gained several triumphs. New 
York fell into their hands. The great body of the business 
community was arrayed against the government. In the 
meantime, the Seminole War, in Florida, which had con- 
tinued during General Jackson's administration was drawing 
considerable sums from the treasury and causing the death 
of many valuable lives. 

To add to the sources of discontent, a difficulty occurred 
with Great Britain concerning the north-eastern boundary of 
the United States, which threatened war. In the summer of 
1839, President Van Buren visited the state of New York 
for the first time since his election.* He was received with 
every mark of respect, by the inhabitants of the various places 
through which he passed upon his route. 

* Statesman's Manual. 



MARTIN VAN BUREN. 267 

The opposition was unquestionably in a majority in the 
country. It assumed the name of the whig party, and held 
a national convention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 
4th of December, 1839, for the purpose of nominating can- 
didates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United 
States. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, was the favorite of a 
plurality of the delegates to the convention, but General Wil- 
liam Henry Harrison, of Ohio, was finally adopted as the 
stronger candidate. John Tyler, of Virginia, was unanimously 
nominated for the Vice Presidency. These candidates re- 
ceived the support of the entire opposition. The democratic 
convention met on the 5th of May, 1840, and unanimously 
nominated Mr. Van Buren for re-election. No candidate 
for the Vice Presidency was put forward ; it was resolved 
to leave each state to make its own nomination. Richard 
M. Johnson was understood to be the favorite. The result 
of the election was the success of the whig candidates, Har 
rison and Tyler, by a large majority. The electoral votes 
stood as follows : — Harrison, two hundred and thirty-four ; 
Van Buren, sixty ; for Vice President, Tyler, two hundred 
and thirty-four ; R. M. Johnson, forty-eight, L. W. Tazewell, 
eleven ; and James K. Polk, one. 

Some changes had taken place in President Van Buren 's 
cabinet, in addition to those already mentioned. In 1838, 
Benjamin F. Butler resigned, as Attorney-General, and 
Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, was appointed to fill his place. 
In 1839, Mr. Grundy resigned, and Henry D. Gilpin, of 
Pennsylvania, received the appointment to the office. Amos 
Kendall having resigned the office of Postmaster-General, 
John M. Niles, of Connecticut, was appointed in his place 
on the 25th of May, 1840. 

Of the character of Mr. Van Buren's administration it is 



268 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



difficult at this period to make an impartial judgment. His 
friends contend that he completed the great work commenced 
by General Jackson, namely, the separation of bank and 
state, and thereby benefited the real interests of the country. 
His opponents maintain that his policy was destructive to 
the business of the nation. 

After the 4th of March, 1841, Mr. Van Buren retired tc 
Kinderhool , where his fine estate of " Lindenwald" was 
situated. There he resided, surrounded by an admiring 
circle of friends, and conscious of possessing the confidence 
of a large political party. At the democratic convention 
of 1844, strenuous efforts were made to nominate Mr. Van 
Buren for another presidential term. But the rules of the 
convention required that the candidate should receive the 
vote of two-thirds of the delegates ; and Mr. Van Buren, 
in consequence of his being adverse to the annexation of 
Texas, which was then agitated, could not obtain such a 
vote. James K. Polk of Tennessee, received the nomination 
for President. Mr. Van Buren gave him a cordial support, 
and his triumph may be attributed to the influence of the 
ex-President, in New York. 

In 1848, Mr. Van Buren received the nomination for the 
Presidency, from the "free soil democrats," through a con- 
vention held at Buffalo, New York. General Cass was the 
regular candidate of the democratic party, but his nomina- 
tion was said to have been unfairly made, and, besides, a 
large number of democrats in the north were opposed to the 
extension of slavery, and in favor of the abolition of the slave 
trade in the district of Columbia, in which views, the body 
of the party would not acquiesce. Mr. Van Buren coincided 
with the "free soil democrats," and therefore accepted their 
nomination. This party did not succeed in procuring the 



MARTIN VAN BUREN. 269 

electoral vote of any state, but it mustered over three Hun- 
dred thousand votes at the polls. General Taylor was the 
choice of the people. During the canvass, John Van Buren, 
the active and eloquent son of the ex-President, advocated 
from the rostrum, the claims of the Buffalo nominees. 
After that period the ex-President resided at Lindenwald, 
enjoying the conversation of his friends, and surrounded 
by all the comforts which wealth could purchase and a 
cheerful disposition delight in, until his death in July, 1862. 

In personal appearance, Mr. Van Buren was of about the 
middle size ; his form was erect, rather inclined to cor- 
pulence, and said to be very hardy. His hair and eyes 
were light, his features lively and expressive ; his eyes 
were quick, and indicated penetration and readiness of 
apprehension ; his forehead was broad and high, indicat- 
ing intellectual power. His friend and biographer, Pro- 
fessor Holland, thus speaks of his private character. 

" The private character of Mr. Van Buren is above all 
censure or suspicion. In the relations of father and son, 
of husband, brother, and friend, he has always displayed 
those excellencies of character and feeling which adorn 
human nature. Extending our view to the larger circle of 
his personal friends, rarely has any man won a stro 
hold upon the confidence and affection of those with whom 
he has been connected. The purity of his motives, his in- 
tegrity of his character, and the steadiness of his attach- 
ments, have always attained for him the warm affection of 
many, even among the ranks of his political opponents. 

" The ease and frankness of his manners, the felicitous 
powers of conversation, and the general amiableness of his 
feeling, render him the ornament of the social circle. Uniting 
in his character, firmness and forbearance ; habitual self- 



270 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

respect and a delicate regard for the feelings of others ) 
neither the perplexities of legal practice, nor the cares of 
public life, nor the annoyances of party strife, have ever 
beon able to disturb the serenity of his temper, or to derange 
for a moment the equanimity of his deportment. He has 
with equal propriety mingled in the free intercourse ci 
private life, and sustained the dignity of official station." 




. *'■ 



> 



y 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

William Henry Harrison, the ninth President of the 
United States, was born at Berkeley, Charles City county, 
Virginia. February 0, 1773. His ancestors settled in Vir- 
ginia, about 1640, and the family name was always among 
the most prominent in her history. His father, Benjamin 
Harrison, was a conspicuous patriot of the revolution. When 
a very young man, he honorably represented his native dis- 
trict in the house of burgesses for many years, and on the 
14th of November, 1764, was one of those of its distinguished 
members chosen to prepare an address to the king, a me- 
morial to the lords, and a remonstrance to the house of 
commons, in opposition to the stamp act. He was a dele- 
gate from Virginia to the first Continental Congress, which 
assembled at Philadelphia, September 1st, 1774, when he 
had the gratification of seeing his brother-in-law, Peyton 
Randolph, placed in the presidential chair. At the Congress 
of the following year, 1775, after the death of Mr. Randolph, 
it was the wish of nearly all the southern members that Mr. 
Harrison should succeed him in the Presidency ; but the 
patriotic John Hancock, of Massachusetts, had likewise been 
nominated. Mr. Harrison, to avoid any sectional jealousy 
or unkindness of feeling between the northern and southern 
delegates at so momentous a crisis, with a noble self-denia 

271 



272 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

and generosity, relinquished his own claims, and insisted on 
the election of Mr. Hancock, who accordingly had the honor 
of being unanimously chosen to that high office. Mr. Har- 
rison still, however, continued one of the most active and 
influential members of the Continental Congress. On the 
10th of June, 1776, as chairman of the committee of the 
whole house, he introduced the resolution which declared 
the independence of the colonies ; and on the ever memo- 
rable 4th of July, 1776, he reported the more formal Decla- 
ration of Independence, to which celebrated document his 
signature is attached. The legislature of Virginia returned 
Mr. Harrison four times as a delegate to Congress. On the 
expiration of his last term of congressional service, he was 
immediately elected to the house of burgesses from his own 
county, and was at once chosen speaker of that body — an 
office he held uninterruptedly until the year 1782, when he 
was elected Governor of Virginia, and became one of the 
most popular officers that ever filled the executive chair. 
This eminent patriot died in the year 1791. 

William Henry Harrison was left under the guardianship 
of Robert Morris, the distinguished financier. He entered 
Hampden Sidney College, and having graduated, he turned 
his attention to the study of medicine. But he was destined 
for another profession — the service of his country in the 
field. Before he had completed his medical studies, the 
barbarities of the Indians upon the western frontier so ex- 
cited his feelings that he resolved to give up his profession 
and join the army. Mr. Morris, his guardian, strove to 
dissuade him from his purpose, but his resolution was not 
to be shaken, and on communicating with General Washing- 
ton, that great man cordially approved of his determination.* 
* Statesman's Manual. 



WILLIAM IIENRY HARRISON. 273 

Receiving from President Washington, the com mission 
of ensign in a regiment of artillery, Harrison, then nineteen 
years of age, joined his corps at Fort Washington, on the 
Ohio, in 1791. He soon found an opportunity to distin- 
guish himself. A reinforcement heing ordered by General 
St. Clair, to proceed to Fort Hamilton, Harrison was ap- 
pointed to command the escort. This duty was arduous, 
as the country swarmed with foes, yet it was performed with 
such skill and vigilance, as to gain for the young ensign 
the approbation of his general. In 1792, Harrison waa 
promoted to a lieutenancy, and in the following year he 
joined the new army under General Wayne, which was 
destined to close the Indian war. 

When, in October, 1793, General Wayne marched for- 
ward to the Miami, he sent a detachment to take possession 
of the ground on which General St. Clair had suffered a 
defeat. Harrison volunteered for the service, and was ac- 
cepted by the commander. The troops took possession of 
the fatal field, collected the bones of those who had fallen 
two years before, and interred them with military honors, 
and erected Fort Recovery. 

Lieutenant Harrison bore an important part in the famous 
battle of the "Fallen Timbers," in which the Indians were 
completely defeated, by the skill of Wayne and the valor of 
his troops. The general, in his official account of the battle, 
complimented young Harrison, as his "faithful and gallant 
aid-de-camp, in having rendered him the most essential service 
in communicating his orders in every direction, and for hid 
conduct and bravery in exciting the troops to press for vic- 
tory." Not long after this campaign, Harrison was promoted 
to the rank of captain, and placed in command of Fort Wash- 
ington. He was then but twenty-one years of age, yet great 



274 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

confidence was reposed in his skill and energy. While in 
command at Fort Washington, Captain Harrison married the 
daughter of John Cleaves Symrues, the founder of the Miami 
settlements. 

In April, 1798, when Winthrop Sargent, Secretary of the 
north-western territory, was appointed governor of the south- 
western country, Harrison received the appointment to fill 
the vacated post. In_the next year a territorial government 
was organized, and it devolved on the legislature to elect a 
lelegate to Congress. The candidates were Messrs. Harrison 
tnd St. Clair. Harrison was chosen by a majority of one vote. 

The legislature, by joint resolution, prescribed the form 
<.fa certificate of his election; having received that certificate, 
he resigned the office of Secretary of the territory — proceeded 
forthwith to Philadelphia, and took his seat ; Congress being 
then in session. Though he represented the territory but 
one year, he obtained some important advantages for his con- 
stituents. He introduced a resolution to subdivide the sur- 
veys of the public lands, and to offer them for sale in small 
tracts — he succeeded in getting that measure through both 
houses, in opposition to the interest of speculators who were, 
and who wished to be, the retailers of the land to the poorer 
classes of the community. His proposition became a law, 
and was hailed as the most beneficent act that Congress had 
i ver done for the territory. It put it in the power of every 
industrious man, however poor, to become a free holder, ami 
lay a foundation for the future support, and comfort of his 
family. At the same session, he obtained a liberal extension 
of time for the pre-emptioners in the northern part of the 
Miami purchase, which enabled them to secure their farms, 
and eventually to become independent, and even wealthy.* 

* Perkin's Aimala of the West. 



WILLIAM HENRI HARRISON. 275 

In 1800, a government was organized for Indiana territory, 
and Harrison was appointed its governor, his commission 
being dated 1801. In this important office, he soon displayed 
a talent and activity, which resulted in great benefits to his 
country. 

On the 17th of September, 1802, Governor Harrison, at 
Vincennes, entered into an agreement with various chiefs of 
the Pottawatamie, Eel river, Piankeshaw,Wea, Kaskaskiaand 
Kickapoo tribes, by which were settled the bounds of a tract 
of land near that place, said to have been given by the In- 
dians to its founder ; and certain chiefs were named who 
were to conclude the matter at Fort Wayne. This was the 
first step taken by Harrison in those negotiations which con- 
tinued through so many years, and added so much to the 
dominions of the confederation. He found the natives 
jealous and out of temper, owing partly to American injustice, 
but also in a great degree, it was thought, to the acts of the 
British traders and agents. 

The governor exerted himself to check a system of specu- 
lation in land, which had been going on for some time, and 
which caused disaster and difficulty to many individuals, 
who were duped by misrepresentation. On the 18th of Au- 
gust, 1804, Governor Harrison purchased from the Dela 
wares, their claims to a large tract between the Wabash and 
the Ohio ; from the Piankeshaws, their claims to the same, 
and also to the lands granted to the Kaskaskias in 1803 : 
from the Sacs and Foxes their title to most of the immense 
district between the Mississippi, Illinois, Fox river, empty- 
ing into the Illinois, and Wisconsin rivers ; comprehending, 
it is said, more than fifty-one millions of acres. These im 
portant treaties were not negotiated without much difficulty, 
caused, it is said, by the machinations of the great Sha 



276 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

wanee chief, Tecum the, or the Crouching Panther, and his 
brother, called the Prophet. 

" Upon the 21st of August, Governor Harrison at Vin 
cennes, received from the Miamies a region containing two 
million acres within what is now Indiana ; and upon the 30th 
of December, at the same place purchased of the Pianke 
shaws a tract eighty or ninety miles wide, extending from 
the Wabash west to the cession by the Kaskaskias, in 1803. 
At this time, although some murders by the red men had 
taken place in the far west, the body of natives seemed bent 
on peace. But mischief was gathering. Tecumthe, his brother 
the Prophet, and other leading men, had formed at Grenville 
the germ of that union of tribes by which the whites were 
to be restrained in their invasions. We are by no means 
satisfied that the great Indian of latter days used any con- 
cealment, or meditated any treachery toward the United 
States, for many years after this time. The efforts of him- 
self and his brother were directed to two points : first, the 
reformation of the savages, whose habits unfitted them for 
continuous and heroic effort ; and second, such a union as 
would make the purchase of land by the United States im- 
possible, and give to the aborigines a strength that might be 
dreaded. Both these objects were avowed, and both were 
pursued with wonderful energy, perseverance and success ; 
in the whole country bordering upon the lakes, the power of 
the Prophet was felt, and the work of reformation went on 
rapidly."* 

Still the movements of the Indian brothers led Harrison 
to suspect their designs and to prepare for an emergency 
On the 5th of July, 1809, he wrote to the Secretary of War 
as follows: 

* Perkin'6 Annals of the West. 



WILLIAM HENRI HARRISON. 277 

" The Shawanese Prophet and about forty followers ar- 
rived here about a week ago. He denies most strenuously 
any participation in the late combinations to attack our set- 
tlement, which he says was entirely confined to the tribes 
of the Mississippi and Illinois rivers ; and he claims the 
merit of having prevailed upon them to relinquish their 
intentions. 

" I must confess that my suspicions of his guilt have been 
rather strengthened than diminished at every interview I 
have had with him since his arrival. He acknowledges that 
he received an invitation to war against us, from the British, 
last fall, and that he was apprised of the intentions of the 
Sacs, Foxes, &c. early in the spring, and warmly solicited 
to join in the league. But he could give no satisfactory 
explanation of his neglecting to communicate to me circum- 
stances so extremely interesting to us, and towards which, 
I had, a few months before, directed his attention, and re- 
ceived a solemn assurance of his cheerful compliance with 
the injunctions I had impressed upon him. 

" The result of all my inquiries on the subject, is, that 
the late combination was produced by British intrigue and 
influence, in anticipation of war between them and the United 
States. It was, however, premature and ill judged, and the 
event sufficiently manifests a great decline in their influence, 
or in the talents and address, with which they have been 
accustomed to manage their Indian relations. 

" The warlike and well-armed tribes of the Pottawatamies, 
Ottawas, Chippewas, Delawares, and Miamis, I believe 
neither had, nor would join in the combination ; and although 
the Kickapoos, whose warriors are better than those of any 
other tribe, the remnant of the Wyandot excepted, are much 
under the influence of the Prophet. I am persuaded that 



278 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

they were never made acquainted with his intentions, if 
these were really hostile to the United States. 

" In this same letter, the governor, at the request of the 
secretary, Dr. Eustis, gives his views of the defence of the 
frontiers, in which portion of his epistle many valuable hints 
are givon in relation to the course proper to be pursued in 
case of a war with England. 

" In September, October, and December, the Governor of 
Indiana succeeded in extinguishing the claims of the Dela- 
wares, Pottawatamios, Miamies, Eel river Indians, Weas, 
and Kickapoos, to certain lands upon the Wabash which 
had not yet been purchased, and which were believed to 
contain copper ore. The treaties with the Delawares, Pot- 
tawatamies, Miamies, and Eel river Indians, were made at 
Fort Wayne ; the others at Vincennes ; they were protested 
against by Tecumthe in the following year. In 1809, the 
western part of the Indiana Territory, long known as ' the 
Illinois,' was made a separate territory, with the name of 
the great Indian nation which had once lived there."* 

During the year 1810, the hostile intentions of Tecumthe 
and his followers were placed beyond all doubt. Tecumthe 
denounced the treaty of Fort Wayne, in 1809, as illegal 
and unjust, maintaining that no single tribe had a right to 
sell so much land. That British countenance was given to 
his plans was rendered clear, though it is believed that the 
rulers of Great Britain did not sanction the deeds of their 
agents. The great chief had formed the project of uniting 
all the Avestern tribes, and had succeeded in forming a for 
inidable confederacy. By various acts his feelings and 
intentions were made known to the whites. In August, 1810, 
a council was held at Vincennes, in which the position of 

* Perkin's Annals of the West. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 279 

affairs was clearly ascertained. Of this council, Mr. Drake, 
in his life of Tecumthe, gives the following account : 

"Governor Harrison had made arrangements for holding 
the council on the portico of his own house, which had been 
fitted up with seats for the occasion. Here, on the morning 
of the 15th, he awaited the arrival of the chief, being at 
tended by the judges of the supreme court, some officers of 
the army, a sergeant and twelve men, from Fort Knox, and 
a large number of citizens. At the appropriated hour Te- 
cumthe, supported by forty of his principal warriors, made 
his appearance, the remainder of his followers being en- 
camped in the village and its environs. When the chief had 
approached within thirty or forty yards of the house, he sud- 
denly stopped, as if awaiting some advance from the governor. 
An interpreter was sent requesting him and his followers to 
take seats on the portico. To this Tecumthe objected — he 
iid not think the place a suitable one for holding the con- 
ference, but preferred that it should take place in a grove of 
trees — to which he pointed — standing a short distance from 
the house. The governor said that he had no objection to 
the grove, except that there were no seats in it for their ac 
commoda.ion. Tecumthe replied, that constituted no objec- 
tion to the grove, the earth being the most suitable place for 
die Indians, who loved to repose on the bosom of their mother. 
The governcr yielded the point, and the benches and chairs 
having been removed to the spot the conference was begun. 
the Indians being seated on the grass. 

" Tecumthe opposed the meeting by stating, at length, 
his objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Go 
vernor Harrison in the previous year ; and in the com se of 
his speech, boldly avowed the principle of his party to be, 
that of resistance to every cession of land, unless made by 



280 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

all the tribes, who, he contended, formed but one nation. 
He admitted that he had threatened to kill the chiefs who 
Higned the treaty of Fort Wayne ; and that it was his fixe 1 
determination not to permit the village chiefs, in future, to 
manage their affairs, but to place the power with which they 
had been hitherto invested, in the hands of the war cliiefs. 
The Americans, he said, had driven the Indians from the sea 
coast, and would soon push them into the lakes ; and, while 
he disclaimed any intention of making war upon the United 
States, he declared it to be his unalterable resolution to take 
a stand, and resolutely oppose the further intrusion of the 
whites upon the Indian lands. He concluded, by making 
a brief but impassioned recital of the various wrongs and 
aggressions inflicted by the white men upon the Indians, 
from the commencement of the revolutionary war down to 
the period of that council ; all of which was calculated to 
arouse and inflame the minds of such of his followers as were 
present. 

" To him the governor replied, and, having taken his seat, 
the interpreter commenced explaining the speech to Te- 
cumthe, who after listening to a portion of it, sprung to his 
feet and hegan to speak with great vehemence of manner. 

" The governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but, 
as he did not understand him, thought he was making some 
explanation, and suffered his attention to be drawn towards 
Winnemac, a friendly Indian, lying on the grass before him, 
who was renewing the priming of his pistol, which he had 
kept concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of 
the governor. His attention, however, was again directed 
towards Tecumthe, by hearing General Gibson, who was 
intimately acquainted the Shawanee language, say to Lieu- 
tenant Jennings, 'those fellows intend mischief; you had 



WILLTAM HENRY HARRISON. 281 

better bring up the guard.' At that moment, the followers 
of Tecumthe seized their tomahawks and war-clubs, and 
pprung upon their feet, their eyes turned upon the governor. 
As soon as he could disengage himself from the arm chair 
in which he sat, he rose, drew a small sword which he had 
by lu3 side, and stood on the defensive. Captain G. R. 
Floyd, of the army, who stood near him, drew a dirk, and 
the chief Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens were 
more numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed ; some 
then procured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the 
defensive. The Rev. Mr. Winans, of the Methodist church, 
ran to the governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself 
at the door to defend the family. During this singular 
scene, no one spoke, until the guard came running up, and 
appearing to be in the act of firing, the governor ordered 
them not to do so. He then demanded of the interpreter, 
an explanation of what had happened, who replied that Te 
cumthe had interrupted him, declaring that all the governor 
had said was false ; and that he and the Seventeen Fires 
had cheated and imposed on the Indians. 

" The governor then told Tecumthe that he was a bad 
man, and that he would hold no further communication with 
him ; that as he had come to Vincennes under the protec- 
tion of a council-fire, he might return in safety, but that he 
must immediately leave the village. Here the council 
terminated. 

" The now undoubted purposes of the brothers being of a 
character necessarily leading to war, Governor Harrison 
proceeded to strengthen himself for the contest by preparing 
the militia, and posting the regular troops that were with 
him, under Captains Posey and Cross at Vincennes* 
* Pel-kin's Annals of the West. 



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WILLIAM IIKNIIV HARBISON. 283 

eellent. 1 then took leave of the ohief, and a mutual promise 
was again made for a suspension of hostilities until we could 
have an interview on the following day. I found the ground 
destined for the encampment nol altogether such as I could 
wish it it was indeed admirably calculated for the encamp- 
ment of regular troops, thai were opposed to regulars, but it 
afforded great Facility to the approach of savages. It was a 
piece of dry oak land, rising about ten feel above the level 
of a marshy prairie in front (towards the Indian town) and 
Dearly twice thai heighl above a similar prairie in the rear, 

through which and near to this bank ran a. small stream 
Clothed With willows and brushwood. 'Towards the left Hank 

this bench of high land widened considerably, but became 
gradually narrower in the opposite direction, and at the 
distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the right Ha; k, 
terminated in an abrupl point. The t wo columns of infancy 

occupied the front and roar of this ground, at the distance of 
about one hundred and fifty yards from each other on the 
left, and something more than half that distance on the right 
Hank —these Hanks were tilled up, by the first two companies 
of mounted riflemen, amounting to about one hundred and 
twenty men, under the command o\' Ma jor-deneral Wells, 
of the Kentucky militia, who served as a major; the other 
h\ Spencer's company of mounted riflemen, which amounted 

to eighty men. The front line was composed Of one bat 
talion of I'nited States infantry under the command of 

Major Floyd, flanked on therighl by two companies of militia. 
and on the left by one company. The rear line was composed 
of a battalion of United States troops under the command 
of Captain Baen, acting as major, and four companies of 
militia infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Deoker, The 
regular troops o\' this line joined the mounted riflemen under 



284 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

General Wells, on the left flank, and Colonel Decker's bat 
talions formed an angle with Spencer's company on the left. 

" Two troops of dragoons, amounting to in the aggregate 
about sixty men, were encamped in the rear of the left flank, 
and Captain Parke's troop, which was larger than the other 
two, in the rear of the front line. Our order of encampment 
varied little from that above described, excepting when some 
peculiarity of the ground made it necessary. For a night 
attack the order of encampment was the order of battle, and 
each man slept immediately opposite to his post in the line. 
In the formation of my troops I used a single rank, or what 
is called Indian file — because in Indian warfare, there is no 
shock to resist, one rank is nearly as good as two, and in that 
kind of warfare the extension is of the first importance. Raw 
troops also manoeuvre with much more facility in single than 
in double ranks. It was my constant custom to assemble 
all my field officers at my tent every evening by signal, to 
give the watchword and their instructions for the night — 
those given for the night of the 6th were, that each corps 
which formed a part of the exterior line of the encampment, 
should hold its own ground until relieved. The dragoons 
were directed to parade dismounted in case of a night attack, 
with their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps de reserve. 
The camp was defended by two captains' guards, consisting 
each of four non-commissioned officers and privates. The 
whole under the command of a field officer of the day. The 
troops were regularly called up an hour before day, and 
made to continue under arms until it was quite light. 

" On the morning of the 7th, I had risen at a quarter after 
four o'clock, and the signal for calling out the men would 
have been given in two minutes, when the attack com- 
menced. It began on our left flank — but a single gun wae 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 285 

fired by the sentinels or by the guard in that direction, which 
made not the least resistance, but abandoned their officer 
and fled into the camp, and the first notice which the troops 
of that flank had of the danger, was from the yells of the 
savages within a short distance of the line — but even under 
these circumstances the men were not wanting to themselves 
or the occasion. Such of them as were awake, or were 
easily awakened, seized their arms and took their stations ; 
others which were more tardy, had to contend with the 
enemy in the doors of their tents. The storm first fell upon 
Captain Barton's company of the 4th United States regi- 
ment, and Captain Geigler's company of mounted riflemen, 
which formed the left angle of the rear line. The fire upon 
these was exceedingly severe, and they suffered severely 
before relief could be brought to them. Some few Indians 
passed into the encampment near the angle, and one or two 
penetrated to some distance before they were killed. I be- 
lieve all the other companies were under arms and tolerably 
formed before they were fired on. The morning was dark and 
cloudy ; our fires afforded a partial light, which if it gave us 
some opportunity of taking our positions, was still more ad- 
vantageous to the enemy, affording them the means of taking 
a surer aim ; they were, therefore, extinguished as soon as 
possible. Under all these discouraging circumstances, the 
troops (nineteen-twentieths of whom had never been in action 
before) behaved in a manner that can never be too much 
applauded. They took their places without noise and with 
less confusion than could have been expected from veterans 
placed in a similar situation. As soon as I could mount 
my horse, I rode to the angle that was attacked — I found 
that Barton's company had suffered severely and the left of 
Geigler's entirely broken. I immediately ordered Cook> 



286 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

company and the late Captain Wentworth's, under Lieute* 
nant Peters, to be brought up from the centre of the rear 
line, where the ground was much more defensible, and formed 
across the angle in support of Barton's and Geigler's. My 
attention was then engaged by a heavy firing upon the left 
of the front line, where were stationed the small company 
of United States riflemen (then, however, armed with 
muskets) and the companies of Baen, Snelling, and Prescott, 
of the 4th regiment. I found Major Daviess forming the 
dragoons in the rear of those companies, and understanding 
that the heaviest part of the fire proceeded from some trees 
about fifteen or twenty paces in front of those companies, I 
directed the major to dislodge them with a part of his dra- 
goons. Unfortunately the major's gallantry determined 
him to execute the order with a smaller force than was suf- 
ficient, which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front and 
attack his flanks. The major was mortally wounded, and 
his party driven back. The Indians were, however, imme- 
diately and gallantly dislodged from their advantageous po- 
sition, by Captain Snelling at the head of his company. In 
the course of a few minutes after the commencement of the 
attack, the fire extended along the left flank, the whole of 
the front, the right flank, and part of the rear line. Upon 
Spencer's mounted riflemen, and the right of Warwick's 
company, which was posted on the right of the rear line, it 
was excessively severe : Captain Spencer, and his first and 
second lieutenants were killed, and Captain ^Yarwick was 
mortally wounded — those companies, however, still bravely 
maintained their posts, but Spencer had suffered so severely, 
and Laving originally too much ground to occupy, I rein- 
forced them with Robb's company of riflemen, which had 
been driven, or by mistake ordered from their position od 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 



287 



the left flank, toward the centre of the camp, and filled the 
vacancy that had been occupied by Robb with Prescott's 
company of the 4th United States regiment My great 
object was to keep the lines entire, to prevent the enemy 
from breaking into the camp until daylight, which should 
enable me to make a general and effectual charge. With 
this view, I had reinforced every part of the line that had 
suffered much ; and as soon as the approach of morning dis- 
covered itself, I withdrew from the front line, Snelling's 
Posey's, (under Lieutenant Albright,) and Scott's, and from 
the rear line, Wilson's companies, and drew them up upon 
the left flank, and at the same time, I ordered Cook's and 
Baen's companies, the former from the rear, and the latter 
from the front line, to reinforce the right flank ; fore- 
seeing that at these points the enemy would make their 
last efforts. Major Wells, who commanded on the left flank, 
not knowing my intentions precisely, had taken the com- 
mand of these companies, had charged the enemy before I 
had formed the body of dragoons with which I meant to sup- 
port the infantry ; a small detachment of these were, however, 
ready, and proved amply sufficient for the purpose. The 
Indians were driven by the infantry, at the point of the bayo- 
net, and the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh, 
where they could not be followed. Captain Cook, and Lieu- 
tenant Larebee had, agreeably to my order, marched their 
companies to the right flank, had formed them under the fire 
of the enemy, and being then joined by the riflemen of that 
Hank, had charged the Indians, killed a number, and put the 
rest to a precipitate flight. A favorable opportunity was 
here offered, to pursue the enemy with dragoons, but being 
engaged at that time on the other flank, I did not observe 
it, until it was too late. 



288 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



" I have thus, sir, given you the particulars of an action, 
which was certainly maintained with the greatest bravery 
and perseverance, by both parties. The Indians, manifested 
a ferocity uncommon, even with them — to their savage fury 
our troops opposed that cool and deliberate valor, which is 
characteristic of the Christian soldier. 

" The Americans in this battle had not more than seven 
hundred efficient men, — non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates ; the Indians are believed to have had eight hundred 
to one thousand warriors. The loss of the American army 
was thirty-seven killed on the field, twenty-five mortally 
wounded, and one hundred and twenty-six wounded, that of 
the Indians about forty killed on the spot, the number of 
wounded being unknown. 

" The battle of Tippecanoe was fought on the 7th of No- 
vember, and upon the 4th of the following month, Harrison 
writes that the frontiers never enjoyed more perfect repose ; 
though it seems to be clear that the disposition to do mischief 
was by no means extinguished among the savages."* 

The victory of Tippecanoe gave Harrison a high reputa- 
tion among his countrymen. In the west, he was very 
popular. Before the surrender of Hull, at Detroit, when a 
large volunteers force was called into the field, Harrison 
was appointed to command the Kentucky troops. Soor. 
after, in compliance with the general wish, he was elevated 
to the responsible post of commander-in-chief over all the 
forces of the west and north-west. (September 17th, 1812.) 

"When General Harrison found himself placed at the 
head of military affairs in the west, his main objects were, 
first, to drive the Indians from the western side of the De- 
troit river ; second, to take Maiden; and third, having thus 

* Perkin's Annals of the Weat, 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 289 

secured his communications, to recapture the Michigan ter 
ritory and its dependencies. To do all this before winter, 
and thus be prepared to conquer Upper Canada, Harrison 
proposed to take possession of the Rapids of the Maumee 
and there to concentrate his forces and his stores ; in mov- 
ing upon this point he divided his troops into three columns, 
the right to march from Wooster through Upper Sandusky, 
the centre from Urbana by Fort McArthur on the heads of 
the Scioto, and the left from St. Mary's by the Au-Glaize 
and Maumee, — all meeting, of course, at the Rapids. This 
plan, however, failed : the troops of the left column under 
Winchester, worn out and starved, were found on the verge 
of mutiny, and the mounted men of the centre, under Gene- 
ral Tupper were unable to do any thing, partly from their 
own want of subordination, but still more from the shiftless- 
ness of their commander ; this condition of the troops, and 
the prevalence of disease among them, together with the in- 
creasing difficulty of transportation after the autumnal rain 
sets in, forced upon the commander the conviction that he 
must wait until the winter had bridged the streams and mo- 
rasses with ice, and even when that had taken place he was 
doubtful as to the wisdom of an attempt to conquer without 
vessels on Lake Erie.* 

Several expeditions against the Indian towns were under- 
taken,, and they were successful to a certain extent. In 
December, Colonel Campbell, with about six hundred men, 
marched against the villages on the Mississinaway, a branch 
of the Wabash. He defeated the Indians in a severe battle, 
and destroyed several of their towns. 

After the massacre at Frenchtown, General Harrison fell 
back to the Rapids of the Maumee, and thence to the 

* Perkin's Annals of the West. 



200 LIVES OF THE PKESIDENTS. 

Portage, where he waited until reinforcements injrcased his 
army to seventeen hundred men, and then once more ad- 
vanced to the Rapids, where the troops were ordered to con- 
centrate. He projected a winter campaign against Maiden ; 
but the delay of the reinforcements frustrated the plan, and 
he was then compelled to fortify his camp to be prepared 
for any hostile movement of the British and Indians. 

The fortified camp was called Fort Meigs. On the 28th 
of April, 1813, a large force of British and Indians, under 
the command of Proctor and Tecumthe, appeared before 
the works and began to erect their batteries. Harrison 
ordered his men to throw up a bank of earth twelve feet 
high, and upon a basis of twenty feet, behind which the 
whole garrison withdrew, upon the 1st of May, when the 
enemy were ready to open their fire. 

" Upon this bank the ammunition of his majesty was 
wasted in vain, and down to the 5th, nothing was effected 
by either party. On that day, General Clay, with twelve 
hundred additional troops, came down the Maumee in flat- 
boats, and, in accordance with orders received from Har- 
rison, detached eight hundred men, under Colonel Dudley, 
to attack the batteries upon the left bank of the river, while, 
with the remainder of his forces, he landed upon the southern 
shore, and after some loss and delay, fought his way into 
camp. Dudley, on his part, succeeded perfectly in captur- 
ing the batteries, but instead of spiking the cannon, and 
then instantly returning to the boats, he suffered his men 
to waste their time, and skirmish with the Indians, until 
Proctor was able to cut them oft" from their only chance of 
retreat ; taken by surprise, and disorder, the greater part 
of the detachment became an easy prey, only one hundred 
and fifty of the eight hundred men escaping captivity or 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 201 

death. This sad result was partially, though but little, al- 
leviated by the success of a sortie made from the fort by 
Colonel Miller, in which he captured and made useless the 
batteries, that had been erected south of the Maumee. The 
result of the day's doings had been sad enough for the 
Americans, but still the British general saw in it nothing to 
encourage him ; his cannon had done nothing, and were in 
fact no longer of value ; his Indian allies found il ' hard to 
fight people who lived like groundhogs ;' news of the Ameri- 
can successes below had been received ; and additional troops 
were approaching from Ohio and Kentucky. Proctor, weigh- 
ing all things, determined to retreat, and upon the 9th of 
May, returned to Maiden."* 

About the middle of July, however, the enemy once more 
appeared before Fort Meigs, and remained in the vicinity a 
week, using various stratagems to draw the American from 
their works. Being unsuccessful, they then proceeded to 
Fort Stephenson. But the gallant young Croghan, who 
commanded at that post, gave them a severe repulse, and 
baffled their most strenuous efforts. Proctor and Tecumthe, 
having the fear of Harrison as a spur, then hurried away 
towards Maiden. 

The victory gained by Commodore Perry, upon Lake 
Erie, was decisive of affairs in the north-west. Harrison, 
having received all his expected reinforcements, embarked 
in Perry's fleet, on the 27th of September, and set sail for 
the shores of Canada. Proctor abandoned Maiden, intend- 
ing to make his way to the heart of Canada by way of the 
valley of the Thames. 

" On the 29th, Harrison was at Sandwich, and McArthur 
took possession of Detroit and the territory of Michigan. At 
* Perkin's Annals of the West. 



292 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



this point Colonel Johnson's mounted rifle regiment, whijh 
had gone up the west side of the river, rejoined the main army. 
On the 2d of October, the Americans began their march in 
pursuit of Proctor, whom they overtook upon the 5th. He 
had posted his army with the left resting on the river, while 
the right flank was defended by a marsh ; the ground between 
the river and the marsh was divided lengthwise by a smaller 
swamp, scf as to make two distinct fields in which the troops 
were to operate. The British were in two lines, occupying 
the field between the river and the small swamp ; the Indians 
extended from the small to the large morass, the ground 
being suitable for their mode of warfare, and unfavorable for 
cavalry. 

We quote from Harrison's official despatch ; '.' The troops 
at my disposal consisted of about one hundred and twenty 
regulars of the 27th regiment, five brigades of Kentucky volun- 
teer militia infantry, under his excellency Governor Shelby, 
averaging less than five hundred men, and Colonel Johnson's 
regiment of mounted infantry, making in the whole an ag- 
gregate of something above three thousand men. No disposi- 
tion of an army, opposed to an Indian force, can be safe 
unless it is secured on the flanks and in the rear. I had, 
therefore, no difficulty in arranging the infantry conformably 
to my general order of battle. General Trotter's brigade 
of five hundred men, formed the front line, his right upon 
the road and his left upon the swamp. General King's bri- 
gade as a second line, one hundred and fifty yards in the 
rear of Trotter's and Chile's brigade as a corps of reserve 
in the rear of it. These three brigades formed the command 
of Major-General Henry; the whole of General Desha's di- 
vision, consisting of two brigades, were formed en potenca 
upon the left of Trotter. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 



293 



" Whilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I had 
directed Colonel Johnson's regiment, which was still in front, 
to be formed in two lines opposite to the enemy, and upon 
the advance of the infantry, to take ground to the left and 
forming upon that flank to endeavor to turn the right of the 
Indians. A moment's reflection, however, convinced me 
that from the thickness of the woods and swampiness of the 
ground, they would be unable to do any thing on horseback, 
and there was no time to dismount them and place their 
horses in security ; I, therefore, determined to refuse my left 
to the Indians, and to break the British lines at once, by a 
charge of the mounted infantry : the measure was not sanc- 
tioned by any thing that I had seen or hoard of, but I was 
fully convinced that it would succeed. The American back- 
woodsmen ride better in the woods than any other people. 
A musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being accustomed 
to carry them on horseback from their earliest youth. I was 
persuaded too, that the enemy would be quite unprepared 
for the shock, and that they could not resist it. Conformably 
to this idea, I directed the regiment to be drawn up in close 
column, with its right at the distance of fifty yards from the 
road, (that it might be in some measure protected by the 
trees from the artillery) its left upon the swamp, and to 
charge at full speed as soon as the enemy delivered their fire. 
The few regular troops of the 27th regiment under their 
Colonel (Pauil) occupied, in column of section of four, the 
small space between the road and the river, for the purpose 
of seizing the enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve 
friendly Indians were directed to move under the bank. The 
crotchet formed by the front line, and General Desha's di 
vision was an important point. At that place, the venerable 
governor of Kentucky was posted, who at the age of sixty- 



294 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

six preserves all the vigor of youth, the ardent zeal which 
distinguished him in the revolutionary war, and the undaunted 
bravery which he manifested at King's Mountain. With 
my aid-de-camp, the acting assistant adjutant-general, Cap- 
tain Butler, my gallant friend, Commodore Perry, who did 
me the honor to serve as my volunteer aid-de-camp, and 
Brigadier General Cass, who having no command, tendered 
me his assistance, I placed myself at the head of the front 
line of infantry, to direct the movements of the cavalry, 
and give them the necessary support. The army had moved 
on in this order but a short distance, when the mounted men 
received the fire of the British line, and were ordered to 
charge ; the horses in the front of the column recoiled from 
the fire ; another was given by the enemy, and our column 
at length getting in motion, broke through the enemy with 
irresistible force. In one minute the contest in front was 
over ; the British officers seeing no hopes of reducing their 
disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men wheeling 
upon them and pouring in a destructive fire, immediately 
surrendered. It is certain that three only of our troops 
were wounded in this charge. Upon the left, however, the 
contest was more severe with the Indians. Colonel Johnson, 
who commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a 
most galling fire from them, which was returned with great 
effect. 

" The Indians still further to the right advanced and 
fell in with our front line of infantry, near its junction with 
Desha's division, and for a moment made an impression upon 
it. His excellency, Governor Shelby, however, brought up 
a regiment to its support, and the enemy receiving a severe 
fire in front, and a part of Johnson's regiment having gained 
their rear, retreated with precipitation. Their loss was verj 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 



295 



considerable in the action, and many were killed in their 
retreat."* 

The victory of the Thames excited much rejoicing through- 
out the north-west. The President, Mr. Madison, spoke of 
it as "highly honorable to Major-General Harrison," and 
Congress adopted the following resolution : 

" Resolved, luj the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That 
the thanks of Congress be, and they are hereby, presented to 
Major-General William Henry Harrison, and Isaac Shelby, 
late Governor of Kentucky, and through them to the officers 
and men under their command, for their gallant and good 
conduct in defeating the combined British and Indian forces 
under Major-General Proctor, on the Thames, in Upper 
Canada, on the 5th day of October, 1813, capturing the 
British army, with their baggage, camp equipage, and artil- 
lery ; and that the President of the United States be re- 
quested to cause two gold medals to be struck, emblematical 
of this triumph, and presented to General Harrison and 
Isaac Shelby, late Governor of Kentucky." 

General Harrison's military career was now cut short by 
the undignified conduct of the Secretary of War, General 
Armstrong, who gave instructions to inferior officers, with- 
out consulting the commander-in-chief, and discovered a 
strong prejudice against him. Harrison visited Washington, 
receiving many demonstrations of respect and gratitude 
upon the route, and tendered his resignation. President 
Madison was then absent from the capital, and the war de- 
partment accepted the general's resignation without con- 
sulting him. It is said that Mr. Madison greatly regretted 
that he had not received some intimation of Harrison's in- 

* Perkin's Annals of the West. 



296 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



tcntions before they were fulfilled. However, the President 
gave him a fresh token of his confidence, by appointing 
him, in the summer of 1814, in conjunction with Governor 
Shelby and General Cass, to treat with the Indians at 
Greenville. During the following year, when the treaty 
of Ghent provided for the pacification of several important 
tribes, he was placed at the head of the commission. 

In 1816, General Harrison was chosen to represent the 
district of Ohio, in which he resided, in the house of repre- 
sentatives of the United States, to fill a vacancy, and for 
the two succeeding years. He had scarcely taken his seat 
at Washington before his conduct while in command of the 
north-western army was impugned. At the instance of the 
general, a committee of investigation was appointed, of 
which Colonel Johnson was chairman. The result was a 
triumphant vindication of the patriotism, disinterestedness, 
and ability of the slandered soldier. 

While in Congress, General Harrison labored to accom- 
plish two important objects ; a reform in the militia, and the 
relief of the veterans of the revolution and the disabled in 
the late war. The first he could not effect. But the second 
was accomplished, and many a pensioner had reason to re- 
gard General Harrison as a benefactor. He generally con- 
curred in the views of the statesman, Henry Clay, but did 
not ao-ree with him in his wholesale censure of General 
Jackson's conduct in the Seminole war. Harrison gave 
Jackson credit for patriotic motives, and approved of many 
of his acts.* 

In 1819, General Harrison was elected to the senate of 
Ohio. In 1824, he was chosen one of the presidential 
electors of that state, on the ticket formed by the friends 

* Statesman's Manual. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 207 

»f Mr. Clay, and gave his vote for that statesman as his 
choice for President. In the same year, he was elected a 
member of the senate of the United States. Soon after 
taking his seat in that body, he was appointed chairman of 
the military committee in place of General Jackson, who 
had resigned. He was a supporter of the administration 
of John Quincy Adams, and in 1828, he was appointed by 
that President, minister plenipotentiary to the republic of 
Columbia. 

Arriving at Bogota, in December, 1828, Harrison found 
the country in a state of confusion. Though at first re- 
ceived with many token of respect, his plain republican 
manners ultimately caused him to be suspected of favoring 
the liberal party, and subjected him to many annoyances. 
However, he was speedily relieved. One of the very first 
acts of General Jackson's administration was to recall him 
from the mission. Before leaving Columbia, Harrison ad- 
dressed to General Bolivar his famous appeal in favor of 
constitutional liberty, a document which has so often been 
quoted in North and South America. The pure principles 
and fervid eloquence of this appeal have always been deemed 
highly honorable to its author. 

Upon his return to the United States, General Harrison 
retired to his farm at North Bend, on the Ohio, a few miles 
below Cincinnati. As a means of contributing to his sup- 
port, he accepted the office of clerk to the court of Hamilton 
county, in which he resided. This station he held up to the 
time of election to the Presidency, evincing an utter con- 
tempt for the false notions of dignity prevalent among those 
who had held high office under the general government. 

In 1835, the friends of General Harrison determined to 
bring him forward as a candidate for the Presidency to suc> 



298 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

ceed General Jackson. Mr. Van Buren was the adminis- 
tration candidate. The opposition could not unite in sup- 
port of Harrison. If it had been otherwise, it is believed 
that he might have been elected. Judge Hugh L. White, 
of Tennessee ; Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts ; and 
Willie P. Mangum, of North Carolina, were nominated and 
voted for by portions of the party opposed to the succession 
of Mr. Van Buren. The election occurred in 1836, and the 
result showed the popularity of General Harrison. Without 
any general concert among his friends, he received seventy- 
three electoral votes, and in many of the states which cast 
their vote for Mr. Van Buren, received strong manifestations 
of the people. 

On the 4th of December, 1839, the national whig conven- 
tion assembled at Harrisburg, the eapital of Pennsylvania, 
to nominate candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presi- 
dency. Three well-known names were brought forward — 
those of General Harrison, Henry Clay, and General Scott. 
Twenty-two states were represented in the convention, and 
on an informal ballot per capita, it was found that Mr. Clay 
had a decided plurality, but neither of the candidates had a 
clear majority of the delegates. It was then determined to 
vote by states, each state to have as many votes in the con- 
vention as it had electoral votes. On the first ballot, one 
hundred and three voted for Clay, ninety-four for Harrison, 
and fifty-seven for Scott. The delegates then compared 
their views to ascertain which of the candidates had the 
best chance of success. Harrison's friends were successful. 
After a session of three days, the convention took a final 
ballot, when Harrison received one hundred and forty-eight 
votes ; Clay, ninety ; and Scott, sixteen. General Har- 
rison was therefore declared the nominee for the Presidency 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 



299 



John Tyler, of Virginia, was unanimously nominate! for the 
Vice Presidency. These gentlemen concentrated the whole 
force of the opposition throughout the country. The con- 
test was very spirited, but the result was the triumph of 
Harrison and Tyler, by an overwhelming majority. Har- 
rison received two hundred and thirty-four electoral votes ; 
Mr. Van Buren only sixty. During the contest, General 
Harrison attended several mass meetings, in Ohio, and ad- 
dressed the people, with power and effect. His success 
occasioned general rejoicing. Much was expected from his 
well-known honesty and patriotism. 

General Harrison left home for the capital, in February, 
1841. Along his route, he was greeted by immense assem- 
blages of the people, and treated with every mark of respect, 
by his enthusiastic and triumphant friends. He was then 
sixty-five years of age, and his venerable appearance ex- 
cited that attention from his opponents, which, perhaps, 
the recollection of his public services, and of the fact that 
he was the last President, upon whose youth Washington 
had gazed, could not have secured. The inauguration drew 
a vast number of strangers to Washington City, and the 
attending pageants were of a splendid character. A grcrid 
procession in the day, and several balls in the evening, 
occupied the great throng of visitors. 

The inaugural address of General Harrison was au able 
and eloquent production. It gave a review of the powers 
granted to the general government, and an estimate of the 
abuses to which they were liable and had been applied. His 
opinions were of the Jefferson stamp. He considered thf 
powers committed to the hands of the President as too sweep 
ing and dangerous, and declared his intention of exercising 
them with moderation. In what other republic, has an ex 



300 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

ecutive officer thus spoken ? In the republic of the ancient 
world, the grasp of power was universal. The following 
quotation from General Harrison* address will give an idsa 
of the character of his views. 

" Upwards of half a century has elapsed since the adop- 
tion of our present form of government. It would be an 
object more highly desirable than the gratification of the 
curiosity of speculative statesmen, if its precise situation could 
be ascertained, a fair exhibit made of the operations of each 
of its departments, of the powers which they respectively 
claim and exercise, of the collisions which have occurred be- 
tween them, or between the whole government and those 
of the states, or either of them. We could then compare 
our actual condition, after fifty years' trial of our system, 
with what it was in the commencement of its operations, and 
ascertain whether the predictions of the patriots who op- 
posed its adoption, or the confident hopes of its advocates, 
have been realized. The great dread of the former seems 
to have been, that the reserved powers of the state would 
be absorbed by those of the federal governments, and a conso- 
lidated power established, leaving to the states the shadow, 
only, of that independent action for which they had so zea- 
lously contended, and on the preservation of which they 
relied as the last hope of liberty. Without denying that 
the result to which they looked with so much apprehension 
is in the way of being realized, it is obvious that they did 
not clearly see the mode of its accomplishment. The gene- 
ral government has seized upon none of the reserved rights 
of the states. As far as any open warfare may have gone, 
the state authorities have amply maintained their rights. 
To a casual observer, our system presents no appearance of 
discord between the different members which compose it 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 301 

Even the addition of many new ones has produced no jarring. 
They move in their respective orbits in perfect harmony 
with the central head, and with each other. But there is 
still an under current at work, by which, if not seasonably 
checked, tlTe worst apprehensions of our anti-federal patriots 
will be realized. And not only will the state authorities be 
overshadowed by the great increase of power in the execu- 
tive department of the general government, but the cha- 
racter of that government, if not its designation, be essen- 
tially and radically changed. This state of things has been, 
in part, effected by causes inherent in the constitution, and 
in part, by the never-failing tendency of political power to 
to increase itself. 

" By making the President the sole distributor of all the 
patronage of the government, the framers of the constitu- 
tion do not appear to have anticipated at how short a period 
it would become a formidable instrument to control the free 
operations of the state governments. Of trifling importance 
at first, it had, early in Mr. Jefferson's administration, be- 
come so powerful as to create great alarm in the mind of 
that patriot, from the potent influence it might exert in 
controlling the freedom of the elective franchise. If such 
could have then been the effects of its influence, how much 
greater must be the danger at this time, quadrupled in 
amount, as it certainly is, and more completely under the 
control of the executive will, than their construction of their 
limited powers allowed, or the forbearing characters of all 
the early Presidents permitted them to make ? But it is 
not by the extent of its patronage alone that the executive 
department has become dangerous, but by the use which it 
appears may be made of the appointing power, to bring 
under its control the whole revenues of the country. The 



302 LITES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

constitution has declared it to be the duty of the President 
to see that the laws are executed, and it makes him tha 
commander-in-chief of the armies and navy of the United 
States. If the opinion of the most approved writers upon 
that species of mixed government, which, in modern Eu- 
rope, is termed monarchy, in contradistinction to despotism, 
is correct, there was wanting no other addition to the 
powers of our chief magistrate to stamp a monarchical cha- 
racter on our government, but the control of the public 
finances. And to me it appears strange indeed, that any one 
should doubt that the entire control which the President 
possesses over the officers who have the custody of the public 
money, by the power of removal, with or without cause, 
does, for all mischievous purposes at least, virtually subject 
the treasury also to his disposal." 

President Harrison nominated the following gentlemen 
to form his cabinet : Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, Se- 
cretary of State ; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, Secretary of the 
Treasury ; John Bell, of Tennessee, Secretary of War ; 
George C. Badger, of North Carolina, Secretary of the 
Navy ; Francis Granger, of New York, Postmaster-General ; 
John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, Attorney-General. The 
nominations were all confirmed by the senate. The cabinet 
was one of great ability, and much was expected from its 
administration. 

On the 17th of March, President Harrison issued a pro- 
clamation, calling an extra session of Congress, principally 
on account of the revenue and finances of the country, to 
begin on the last Monday in the ensuing May. But before 
that meeting, the country was called upon to mourn the loss 
of its chief magistrate. 

On Saturday, March 27th, President Harrison, after 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 303 

several days previous indisposition from the effects of a cold 
was seized with a chill and other symptoms of fever. These 
were followed by bilious pleurisy, which resisted all the art 
of medicine, and terminated the President's eventful life on 
the 4th of April, at the age of sixty-eight years. The last 
words he was heard to speak were as follows : " Sir, I wish 
you t r ; understand the principles of the government. I wish 
them carried out. I ask nothing more." He fancied he was 
addressing his successor. 

At the announcement of the death of the President, grief 
was general throughout the country. Never since the time 
of Washington has one man so concentrated upon himself 
the love and confidence of the American people.* From 
all sides came the sounds of woe. The nation put on mourn- 
ing for the loss of its patriotic son and venerated ruler. On 
the 7th of April, the funeral of President Harrison took 
place at Washington. The civil and military procession was 
large and imposing. The body was interred in the Congres- 
sional burying ground, but afterwards removed to North Bend, 
Ohio, at the request of the family of General Harrison. 
Throughout the country funeral honors were awarded to the 
memory of the illustrious dead. In courts, legislatures, 
churches, and societies, the event was solemnly mentioned. 

In person, General Harrison was tall and rather thin. 
By habits of activity and temperance he .enjoyed bodily health 
and vigor even at an advanced age. He had a mild benevo- 
lent expression of countenance, and his dark eye was remark- 
able for its quickness and fire. His talents were of a very 
high order, and his acquirements extensive. All his coinpo- ' 
sitions display taste and judgment. As a general, he was 
bold, active, prudent and fertile of resource. 

* National Intelligencer. 



JOHN TYLER. 

Virginia has been called " the mother of Presidents." 
Of the thirteen chief magistrates whom the people have 
chosen, seven were born in Virginia, viz.: Washington, 
Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Harrison, Tyler, and Taylor. 
May the. Old Dominion have many more " such seeds 
within her breast ! " Her warriors, orators, and statesmen 
have proved to be of a growth unsurpassed in any country 
— the flower of mankind. Their swords, pens, and 
tongues have battled upon the side of freedom and in- 
dependence, and they have held the helm of state with 
firm and skilful hands. If Virginia should continue to 
produce such men, her sister states can well afford to 
allow her to- lift them to the presidential chair. 

John Tyler, who succeeded General Harrison in the 
presidential office, was the sixth chief magistrate whose 
birthplace was in the "Old Dominion." His ances- 
tors were among the early English settlers in that 
province. It is understood that the family traces its 
lineage to Walter or Wat Tyler, who, in the fourteenth 
century, headed an insurrection in England, in defence 
of the rights of the people. John Tyler, the grand- 
father of the subject of this memoir, was marshal of 
the colony, under the royal government, up to his 
death, which occurred after the remonstrances against 

305 



306 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the stamp act. His patrimonial estate covered a large tru t 
of country in and about Williamsburg. His son, also named 
John, entered into the discussion concerning the grievances 
of the colonies, and became distinguished as an ardent pa- 
triot. The Virginians successively raised him to the offices 
of speaker of the house of delegates, governor of the state, 
and judge of one of their highest courts. At the breaking 
out of the war of 1812, ho was appointed by President Ma- 
dison, a judge of the federal court of admiralty. In Feb- 
ruary, 1813, he died, full of years and honors, leaving three 
Bons, Wat, John, and William.* 

John Tyler, the subject of this memoir, was born in Charles 
City County, Virginia, on the 29th of March, 1790. After 
receiving the usual elementary education, he entered Wil- 
liam and Mary College, being then twelve years old. He 
graduated at the age of seventeen, and on that occasion 
delivered an address on the subject of " female education," 
which was pronounced by the faculty a most masterly per 
formance. The two years subsequent to his graduation, 
Mr. Tyler spent in reading law, under the instruction of his 
father and Edmund Randolph. 

At nineteen years of age, young Tyler received a certifi- 
cate that he was competent to practise his profession. His 
success was singular. Ere three months had elapsed., there 
was scarce a disputable case on the docket of the court 
in which he was not retained. When but twenty years old, 
he was offered a seat in the legislature. But he declined 
the honor until the following year, when he was chosen 
nearly unanimously, a member of the house of delegates 
'December, 1811.) 

Mr. Tyler was attached to the party of Jefferson and 

♦Statesman's Manual. 



JOHN TYLER. 307 

Madison. Upon the breaking out of the war, he supported 
the policy of the administration, and advocated with an 
eloquence that attracted general attention, the most ener- 
getic measures. Messrs. Giles and Brent, the senators in 
Congress from Virginia, at that time, were instructed by 
the legislature to vote against the renewal of the charter of 
the national bank. Mr. Brent disobeyed. Mr. Tyler then 
introduced a resolution of censure into the house of dcle- 
gates, animadverting severely upon the course of the senator 
and laying it down as a principle, that any person accept- 
ing the office of senator of the United States, from the state 
of Virginia, tacitly bound himself to obey the instructions 
of che legislature. This movement, in favor of the much 
discussed "right of instruction," shows Mr. Tyler to have 
entertained the broadest democratic opinions. He was 
elected to the legislature for five successive years, on some 
occasions, receiving nearly the unanimous vote of his native 
county. 

At the time the British forces were in the Chesapeake 
Bay, Mr. Tyler raised a volunteer company, and strove to 
effect a thorough organization of the militia in his neighbor- 
hood. But he never had an opportunity of bringing his 
troops into action, and his military career was thereforo 
nipped in the bud. His conduct, however, evinces his 
patriotism and desire to serve his country. 

During the legislative session of 1815-16, Mr. Tyler 
was elected a member of the executive council, in which 
capacity he served until November, 1816, when after a close 
and exciting contest, he was elected to fill a vacancy in the 
representation of the Richmond district in Congress. An- 
drew Stevenson, a distinguished" politician of the same 
school as Mr. Tyler, was the opposing candidate. The next 



808 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

month, Mr. Tyler, then twenty-six years old, took his scat 
in the house of representatives of the United States. In 
April, 1817, he was re-elected by an overwhelming majority 
over his former rival, Mr. Stevenson. 

In Congress Mr. Tyler maintained the state-right, strict- 
construction doctrines of the dominant party in Virginia. 
He opposed a system of internal improvements and a national 
bank ; but agreed with Mr. Clay and others in censuring 
the conduct of General Jackson in the Seminole War. His 
6peeches brought him into general esteem. In 1819, he was 
re-elected to Congress, there being no opposing candidate. 
He took an active part in the debate upon the Missouri ques- 
tion, sanctioning the southern side, opposed a protective tariff, 
and labored earnestly as a member of the committee of ways 
and means. Constant toil and confinement almost prostrated 
a constitution naturally weak. Mr. Tyler was compelled tc 
resign his seat before the expiration of the term, and retire 
to his estate in Charles City county, to recruit his health. 
At the same time he recommended his former rival, Andrew 
Stevenson, to the favor of his constituents. 

In the spring of 1823, after much urgent solicitation, Mr. 
Tyler consented to become again a candidate for the legis- 
lature. He was elected by a large majority, and in Decem- 
ber, he took his seat. As a legislator for his native state, 
he soon displayed rare energy and talent. He took the lead 
in proposing and carrying through a number of internal im- 
provements of great importance, and strove to awaken the 
Virginians to a sense of the necessity of action if they would 
not fall behind the people of the other states in power and 
prosperity. Many of the finest public works in the state 
were the fruit of his. toil. In the legislature, his reputation 
as an orator and statesman was fully established. 



JOHN TYLER. 309 

In December, 1825, Mr. Tyler was elected governor of 
Virginia by a large majority. His administration was pros- 
perous and beneficial. Internal improvements still engaged 
his attention, and he did all in his power to heal sectional 
divisions, and awaken the people to their true interests. In 
July, 1826, he delivered an eloquent eulogy on the death of 
Thomas Jefferson. During the next session of the legisla- 
lature, Mr. Tyler was re-elected governor of Virginia. 

But it was thought that the talents of Mr. Tyler would 
be advantageously employed in the national field. A por- 
tion of the democratic party were dissatisfied with the course 
pursued by John Randolph in the senate of the United States. 
His genius and principles were admitted to be of the loftiest 
stamp, but his eccentric bearing and frequent onslaught upon 
democrats, prevented him from receiving that respect and 
deference that is usually the reward of dignified manners. 
Governor Tyler was the only man who possessed sufficient 
popularity to succeed against Mr. Randolph, and he was so- 
licited to stand as a candidate. He consented, but reluc- 
tantly and after much persuasion. Upon the first ballot in 
the legislature, he received one hundred and fifteen votes, 
and John Randolph one hundred and ten. This proof of 
confidence was highly gratifying to the feelings of Mr. Tyler. 
Their selection was generally sanctioned by the Virginians. 

A few days after his election to the senate of the United 
States, Mr. Tyler sent to the legislature his resignation of 
the office of governor. The following is an extract from his 
message on this occasion : 

" The principles on which I have acted,without abandon- 
ment, in any one instance, for the last sixteen years, in Con- 
gress and in the legislative hall of this state, will be the 
principles by which I will regulate my future political life. 



310 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS, 

Keeping them constantly in view, yielding them neither tc 
the force of circumstances nor to the suggestions of expe» 
diency, and thereby seeking to promote the lasting interests 
of my beloved country, if I do not acquire the indivilual 
confidence of Virginia, I shall at least have preserved my 
own consistency, and secured the peace of my mind through 
the days of my increasing years, and in the hour of my final 
dissolution." 

Upon the occasion of his retirement from the chief magis- 
tracy of the state, he was invited to a public dinner, by a 
large number of the members of the legislature, and of the 
citizens of Richmond. In answer to the following toast — 
" John Tyler our friend and guest — a republican too firm to 
be driven from his principles — too upright to be swerved by 
the laws of ambition or power" — Mr. Tyler, among other 
remarks, said : 

" I can be at no loss to ascribe this manifestation of public 
respect to its proper source. It flows from the late senatorial 
election, and the incidents connected with it. I place upon 
it, therefore, the highest possible value. The recesses of 
my heart have been attempted to be scanned with the view 
of detecting some lurking wish at variance with my public 
declarations. Had I desired a change, what was thereto 
have prevented me from openly seeking it ? Are not the 
offices of the republic equally open to all citizens ? When 
was an exclusive monopoly established ? or when was it 
before that ' Rome contained but cue man' ? Virginia, thank 
Heaven, depends on no one of her citizens, however distin- 
guished by talents, for her character or standing. She has 
been compared to the mother of the Gracchi, and I trust 
she may still be permitted to be proud of her sons. For one 
who had been taught in early infancy that golden rule, that, 



JOIIN TYLER. 311 

next to his Creator, his first duty belonged to his country, 
and his last to himself, how could I have stood acquitted, 
had I permitted private considerations to have controlled the 
obligations of public duty ? By accepting the appointment, 
while I interfered with the pretensions of no other citizen, 
I have acquitted myself of a sacred obligation." 

After speaking at large upon the administration, and 
what he had hoped would have been the policy of Mr. Adams, 
he said : 

" Candor requires me here publicly to say, that his first 
splendid message to Congress long since withered all my 
hopes. I saw in it an almost total disregard of the fedeia- 
tive principle — a more latitudinous construction of the con 
stitution than has ever before been insisted on ; lying not 
so much in the particular measures recommended — which, 
though bad enough, had some excuse in precedent — as in 
the broad and general principles there laid down as the 
basis of governmental duty. From the moment of seeing 
that message, all who have known any thing of me have 
known that I stood distinctly opposed to this administration ; 
not from a factious spirit, nor with a view to elevate a favo- 
rite, or to advance myself, but on the great principles which 
have regulated my past life. I honestly believe the preser- 
vation of the federative principles of our government to be 
inseparably connected with the perpetuation of liberty."* 

As soon as Mr. Tyler took his seat in the senate, he 
joined the ranks of the opposition. On all occasions he up- 
held the doctrines so popular in Virginia, concerning the 
powers of the general government, and the commercial po- 
licy of the country. When General Jackson succeeded Mr. 
Adams in the presidential chair, Mr. Tyler supported his 

* Statesman's Manual. 



312 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

alministration in general, but on certain occasions, pursued 
an independent course. Where the President acted accord- 
ing to the Jefferso-nian views of the powers of the general 
government, he was ably supported by Mr. Tyler, and 
most of the southern members. They opposed the re-charter- 
ing the national bank, a tariff for the chief purpose of pro- 
tecting home industry, and a national system of internal 
improvements. Mr. Tyler's speech against the tariff, was 
long, earnest, eloquent, and forcible. He sympathized with 
Mr. Camoun and his friends upon the question of nullifica- 
tion, and thereafter withdrew his support from General 
Jackson's administration, on the ground that the President 
had abandoned the principles of Jefferson. Mr. Tyler's is 
the only vote recorded in opposition to the force bill. The 
removal of the deposites excited his determined resistance. 
He considered the act an outrage upon the laws. Though 
anxious for the destruction of the national banking system, 
he wished it to die by law. 

Mr. Tyler was re-elected to the senate of the United 
States for six years from the 4th of March, 1883. As a 
member of the committee of finance, he labored with zeal 
and ability. Having made a voluminous report upon the 
condition and affairs of the United States Bank, he found 
it furiously attacked by Mr. Benton, of Missouri. In reply, 
Mr. Tyler made a speech worthy of his position and repu- 
tation. He said, 

" He has loudly talked of the committee having been 
made an instrument of by the bank. For myself, I re 
nounce the ascription. I must tell the senator that I can 
no more be made an instrument of by the bank, than by the 
Btill greater and more formidable power, the administration. 
I stand upon this floor to accomplish the purposes for which 



JOnN TYLER. 313 

1 am sent. In the consciousness of my own honesty, I 
Btand firm and erect. I worship alone at the shrine of truth 
and honor. It is a precious thing in the eyes of some, to 
bask in the sunshine of power. I rest only upon the sup- 
port which lias never failed me — the high and lofty feelings 
of my constituents. I would not be an instrument even in 
their hands, if it were possible for them to require it of me, 
to gratify an unrighteous motive. 

" The committee, in their investigations, have sought for 
nothing but the truth. I am opposed — have always been 
opposed — to the bank. In its creation I regard the consti- 
tution as having been violated, and I desire to see it expire 
But the senate appointed me, with others, to inquire whether 
it was guilty of certain charges, and I should regard myself 
as the basest of mankind were I to charge it falsely. The 
report is founded on unquestionable documentary evidence. 
I shall hold myself ready to answer all the objections which 
can be raised against it, and to prove, from the documents 
themselves, that the report is made with the utmost fairness, 
and the most scrupulous regard to truth." 

In March, 1835, near the close of the session, Mr. Tyler 
was elected president of the senate, pro tempore, by the 
united votes of the whig and state-rights senators. In Feb- 
ruary, 1836, the legislature of Virginia passed resolutions 
instructing senators from that state to vote for a resolution 
directing the resolution of March 28th, 1834, censuring the 
conduct of General Jackson, to be expunged from the jour- 
nal of the senate. Mr. Leigh, the colleague of Mr. Tyler, 
refused to obey or resign his seat, and wrote a long and 
able letter in defence of his course. He considered the 
expunging resolution unconstitutional, and was of opinion 
that the legislature had no right to instruct him to sanction 



3H LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

a violation of that constitution he had sworn to support 
Mr. Tyler took a different course. He had advocated " the 
right of instruction," while in the legislature, and he could 
not now gainsay that right, with any regard for truth or 
consist dncy. Yet he believed the expunging resolution to 
be unconstitutional, and that he could not violate his oath, 
as a senator of the United States. To resign appeared to 
mm to be the proper course, and accordingly, he sent in 
his resignation, with a letter reviewing the political principles 
which had guided his life. 

On retiring to his estate and the practice of his profession, 
Mr. Tyler carried with him the good wishes of the majority 
in Virginia, and throughout the union. His course was 
considered that of a true and firm Jeffersonian. A public 
dinner was tendered Mr. Leigh and himself, and compli- 
ments were showered upon them both. In 1830, Mr. Tyler 
had removed from Charles City county to Gloucester, where 
his family resided until 1835. He then returned to Wil- 
liamsburg, and devoted himself to private pursuits. 

In the same year, Mr. Tyler was nominated in Maryland 
for the Vice Presidency, and was placed upon the same 
ticket with General Harrison. He was not considered the 
whig candidate for that office, however. The state-rights 
Darty in the south generally supported him. At the elec- 
tion in 1836, he received forty-seven electoral votes. In the 
spring of 1838, Mr. Tyler was elected by the whigs of James 
City county, a member of the house of delegates of Virginia, 
and during the subsequent session of the legislature, he 
acted with the whig party, under which name the different 
sections of the opposition to Mr. Van Buren's administration 
vrcre amalgamated. 

A nobler, but a more doubtfully acted, part was now tc 



JOHN TYLER. 315 

be performed by Mr. Tyler. In 1839, he was elected one 
of the delegates from Virginia to the whig national conven- 
tion, which met at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to nominate 
candidates for President and Vice President of the United 
States. In common with nearly all the southern delegates, 
he preferred Henry Clay, of Kentucky. Being chosen one 
of the vice presidents of the convention, Mr. Tyler exerted 
himself to procure the nomination of Mr. Clay. But Gene- 
ral Harrison obtained a majority of votes. To conciliate 
the irritated friends of the Kentucky statesmen, the con- 
vention then nominated Mr. Tyler for the Vice Presidency, 
and he consented to stand as a candidate. The acceptance 
of a nomination from a party with whom he did not entirely 
agree in opinion was a questionable course of action. But 
it is urged by Mr. Tyler's friends, that when he consented 
to stand as the candidate for the whigs, he did not believe 
that he would be required to give his influence to the esta- 
blishment of a national bank, and that such a course could 
not have been expected by any one who was acquainted with 
his previous political career. Probably, the convention 
acted with as little discretion in making the nomination as 
Mr. Tyler did in accepting it. No man should be nominated 
for the Vice Presidency who cannot be trusted with the 
Presidency. The speeches, letters, and declarations of Mr. 
Tyler, during the canvass of 1840, were satisfactory to the 
whigs, who interpreted them to assist their expectations 
The party was triumphant. Harrison and Tyler were elected 
by an overwhelming majority, and both Houses of Congress 
were of the whig complexion. 

On the 4th of March, 1841, Mr. Tyler was inaugurated 
Vice President of the United States, and one month after 
wards, by the death of General Harrison, he became Prc*i- 



816 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

dent, Mr. Tyler was at his residence in Virginia, w 
the news of the death of the President was announced to 
him. He immediately hurried to Washington, arriving on 
the morning of the 6th of April. The members of the 
cabinet waited on him, and he informed them that he wished 
them to retain their posts. He then took the oath of office. 
On the following day, he attended the funeral of President 
Harrison. After the solemnities were concluded, he issued 
an address to the people of the United States, as an informal 
inaugural document, setting forth the principles which should 
guide his administration. The retention of the cabinet and 
the tone and sentiments of the inaugural address inspired 
the whigs with confidence. 

An extra session of congress had been convened by Pre- 
sident Harrison. In this measure, Mr. Tyler concurred. 
One of his first acts was to recommend a day of fast- 
ing and prayer to the people of the United States, on ac- 
count of their recent bereavement. The removals and 
appointments made by the new chief magistrate were satis- 
factory to the whigs. When Congress assembled upon the 
31st of May, 1841, it was debated in the house, whether 
Mr. Tyler should be addressed as President of the United 
States, or as Vice President, acting as President, and de- 
cided in favor of the first form. The message of the Presi- 
dent was well received. The veto of the national bank was 
the great feature of Mr. Tyler's administration. 

On the 12th of June, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. 
Ewing made a report, and with it sent a bill for the incorpo- 
ration of " the fiscal bank of the United States." This plan 
for a bank was free from all the objectionable features of the 
former fiscal institutions, and was supposed to have the ap- 
probation cf the President. A bill similar in substance was 



JOHN TYLER. 317 

introduced in Congress, and finally passed on the 6th of 
August, and sent to the President for his decision. The 
President retained the bill until the 16th of August, and then 
returned it to the senate in which it originated, with his veto 
message. This bewildered the whigs. Their leaders remon 
Btrated with the President, and sought to repair the evil 
effects which threatened the party with dissolution They 
had yet a hope. In his veto message he shadowed out the plan 
of a bank which he said had long been endeared to him, that- 
of a fiscal agent devested of the discounting power and limited 
to dealing in bills of national exchange. By the 3d of Sep- 
tember, a bill, establishing a bank of this character, passed 
Congress and was presented to the President. On the 9th, 
he returned it to the house of representatives, with his objec- 
tions. The following day it was taken up in the house, but 
was lost, two-thirds not voting for it. 

The reasons which induced President Tyler to veto the 
last bank bill were not of a nature to satisfy the whigs that 
he had acted with any degree of sincerity. It is now certain 
that the disclosure of an intention upon the part of a member 
of the ruling party to circumvent the man whom they had 
elected to office had much influence in determining his course. 
A letter from John M. Botts, an eminent whig of Virginia, 
which contained expressions of a resolution to "head" the 
President was published in the administration organ, the 
Madisonian. How could it be expected that Mr. Tyler should 
favor the schemes of a party which treated him in such a 
manner. Still, this disclosure would not justify the veto of 
a great public measure. The President brought forward 
constitutional objections to the bill to support his course. 

The veto was received by the opposition with exultation. 
They applauded Mr. Tyler's independence, though they did 



318 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS, 

not give liim any reason to hope that he would become the 
head of the democratic party and a candidate for re-election. 
On the other hand, the great body of the whigs throughout 
the country were indignant, and denounced the President aa 
a recreant. On the 11th of September, all the members of 
the cabinet, except Mr. Webster, feeling that all confidence 
between the President and themselves was at an end, resigned. 
Mr. Webster concluded to remain in the cabinet, believing 
that he could harmonize with Mr. Tyler upon the subject of 
foreign relations, and that differences upon the questions of 
revenue ought not to disturb their relations. 

On the 11th of September, the whig members of Congress 
held a meeting, and appointed a committee of three senators 
and five members of the house, to prepare an address to the 
people of the United States, concerning the measures which 
had been adopted and those which had failed at the extra 
session, with such other matters as might exhibit the condi- 
tion and prospects of the whig party. The address which 
was adopted proclaimed that all political alliance between 
the whigs and Mr. Tyler was at an end and set forth the 
reasons of the state of things. 

During the extra session, a protective tariff bill, a bill for 
the appropriation of the proceeds of the sales of public lands, 
and a uniform bankrupt law, passed Congress and received 
the sanction of the President. Mr. Tyler had previously 
been opposed to the protective tariff. That he low approved 
one gave rise to considerable speculation in regard to his 
real views. 

It was expected the new cabinet would be formed out of 
the democratic ranks. But the President appointed the fol- 
low ing distinguished whigs and conservatives to office Walter 
Forward, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury; John 



JOHN TYLER. 319 

McLean, of Ohio, Secretary of War ; Abel P. Upshur, of 
Virginia, Secretary of the Navy ; Charles A. Wickliffe, of 
Kentucky, Postmaster-General ; Hugh S. Legare, of South 
Carolina, Attorney-General. These nominations were all 
confirmed by the senate previous to the termination of the 
extra session. Judge McLean declined to resign his seat on 
the bench of the supreme court, and John C. Spencer was 
then appointed to take charge of the war department. 

In the next congressional session, the President found that 
he could not count upon the support of either party. Mr. 
Rives, in the senate, and four or five whigs in the house were 
his only reliable friends. The hopes of forming a third party 
were shown to be fruitless and vain. In 1842, an important 
treaty was negotiated at Washington, by Secretary Webster, 
and Lord Ashburton, a special minister from Great Britain, 
settling the north-eastern boundary question, providing for 
the final suppression of the African slave trade, and for the 
surrender of fugitives from justice, in certain cases. By 
this treaty, the greatest good feeling was restored between 
the two nations. 

The 28th Congress commenced its first session on the 
4th of December, 1843, and adjourned on the 17th of June, 
1844. There was a large democratic majority in the house 
of representatives. The whigs had a majority in the senate. 
In consequence of the disagreement between the two houses, 
but few acts of general interest were passed this session. In 
March, 1843, Mr. Forward resigned the post of Secretary 
of the Treasury, and John C. Spencer was transferred from 
the war department to that of the treasury. Caleb Cushin» 
had been previously nominated to the treasury department, 
but had been rejected by the senate. Mr. Webster resigned 
the office of Secretary of State, in May, 1843, and Hugh S 



320 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



Legare, Attorney General was appointed in his place. But 
the latter gentleman soon after died at Boston. In July, 
1843, the President re-organized his cabinet, as follows. 
Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, Secretary of State ; John C. 
Spencer, of New York, Secretary of the Treasury ; Jaines 
M. Porter, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War ; David Hen- 
ehaw, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Navy ; Charles A. 
Wickliffe, of Kentucky, Postmaster General ; John Nelson, 
of Maryland, Attorney General. At the next session, the 
senate rejected the nomination of Messrs. Porter and Hen- 
shaw. The President then nominated William Wilkinb, of 
Pennsylvania, Secretary of War ; and Thomas W. Gilmjr, 
of Virginia, for Secretary of the Navy, and they were con- 
firmed by the senate. But the cabinet was destined to 
further shifts and changes. By the explosion of one of the 
large guns of the steamship Princeton, on the Potomac, the 
Secretary of State, Mr. Upshur, and the Secretary of the 
Navy," Mr. Gilmer, lost their lives. In consequence of this 
catastrophe, and of the difficulty of choosing successors to 
the unfortunate ministers, Attorney General Nelson dis- 
charged the duties of Secretary of State, and Commodore 
Warrington officiated as Secretary of the Navy, ad interim.. 
Finally, the President appointed John C. Calhoun, of South 
Carolina, Secretary of State, and John Y. Mason, of Vir- 
ginia, Secretary of the Navy; both of these nominations 
were confirmed by the senate. In May, 1844, Mr. Spencer 
resigned the office of Secretary of the Treasury, and George 
M. Bibb, of Kentucky, was appointed in his place. 

The negotiation of a valuable treaty with China, by Caleb 
Cushing, Esq. in 1843, the commissioner to that country, 
and the Texas annexation treaty, negotiated at Washington. 
April 12th, 1844, by Secretary Calhoun, on the part of the 



JOHN TYLER. 321 

United States, and Messrs. Van Zandt and Henderson, on 
the part of Texas, were the most important events of the 
remainder of Mr. Tyler's administration. The senate con- 
firmed the treaty with China, but rejected the annexation 
Bcheme. It was evident, however, that the Texas question 
would enter into the next presidential election, and Mr. 
Tyler's friends strove to make it the stepping stone for his 
accession to a second term. 

The national conventions of the great political parties 
were held in Baltimore', in May, 1844. Henry Clay, of 
Kentucky, and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, 
were chosen by the whigs as their candidates for the two 
highest offices in the nation. Mr. Clay was nominated by 
the most enthusiastic acclamations. In the democratic con- 
vention, Mr. Van Buren had a plurality of votes ; but he 
was opposed to the annexation of Texas, and it had been 
determined by the democratic party that the candidate must 
favor the scheme. Two thirds of the votes were required 
to make a nomination, and these, Mr. Van Buren could not 
obtain. At length, after eight ballotings, James K. Polk, 
of Tennessee, received the nomination. Silas Wright, of 
New York, was nominated for the Vice Presidency, but he 
declined, and George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was then 
nominated in his stead. A convention of Mr. Tyler's friends 
was held in Baltimore, about the same time, and he was 
placed before the people as a candidate for re-election. But 
in August, Mr. Tyler yielded to the persuasions of the de- 
mocrats and threw his influence into the scale in favor of 
Messrs. Polk and Dallas. Those gentlemen were elected 
after a very exciting contest. 

Joint resolutions, annexing Texas to the Union, passed 
Congress on the 1st March, 1845, and were approved by 



322 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

President Tyler. The administration ended on the 3d 
of March. Mr. Tyler's last act was what is called " the 
pocket veto," which he exercised by retaining the river 
and harbor appropriation bill over the time specified by 
the constitution. Mr. Tyler generally surrounded him- 
self with able advisers, and his government was vigorous 
and decided. But he retired from office without the re- 
gret of either party. Indeed, he has ever since received 
the most bitter denunciations from the whigs. He was 
accused not only of a want of judgment, but of a want 
of good faith. That he was a determined man, the whigs 
were forced to concede, when they considered his resist- 
ance to an able cabinet and a large party in power ; and 
before he became President his intellectual excellencies 
were generally admitted. 

In person Mr. Tyler was rather tall and thin, with a 
light complexion, blue eyes, high forehead and promi- 
nent nose. In 1813, Mr. Tyler, when twenty-three 
years old, married Miss Letitia Christian, of Kent county, 
Virginia. This amiable and accomplished lady died at 
Washington, in September, 1842, leaving three sons and 
three daughters. On the 26th of June, 184-4, Mr. Tyler 
was again married, to Miss Julia Gardiner, of New York, 
a, daughter of Mr. David Gardiner, who was killed by an 
explosion on board the steamship Princeton. The lady 
was young, beautiful, and wealthy. After his retire- 
ment from the Presidency, Mr. Tyler resided at his seat 
near Williamsburg, Virginia, in the enjoyment of the 
society of his friends. lie was president of the Peace 
Congress which met in Washington in 1861, and after- 
wards became a member of the Confederate Congress. 
He died at Richmond, Virginia, in January, 1862. 




-^5/ 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 

The persons who were elevated to the presidential chad 
in the early days of the republic were long before the pcoplo 
and were long mentioned in connection with that high office 
ere they were brought forward as regular candidates. Their 
powers and acquirements were generally known, though dif- 
ferently estimated. When they were presented as candidates, 
nobody was surprised, and nobody was doubtful as to their 
qualifications and the character of their policy. These persons 
had either passed through a regular gradation of offices or 
were known for some particular service done for the country, 
either in the field or in the council. Latterly, however, 
there has been evinced a different state of affairs. Parties, 
more anxious for systems and measures than men have been 
satisfied to place in nomination persons who, although with- 
out great administrative genius or a very extensive experi- 
ence in state affairs have fixed political principles, strong 
practical sense and an honest determination. The history 
of the world has satisfied the people, that though genius is 
of much value, the pure and patriotic will should be ranked 
above it, and — a still higher truth — that men are frail — in- 
stitutions, certain and reliable. The nomination of James 
K. Polk, of Tennessee, for the Presidency, surprised the 



324 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

great body of the democratic party. Even those who were 
acquainted with his talents and acquirements had not looked 
for such a consummation. His opponents delighted to in- 
quire — " Who is. James K. Polk? " But the election proved 
that the whole democratic party could rally to the support 
of a man, who, to the best of his ability, would carry into 
effect democratic measures. 

The name Polk is a corruption of Polk ck, originally Scotch, 
and corrupted in Ireland. The founder of the Polk family 
in America was Robert Polk, who emigrated from Ireland 
to the eastern shore of Maryland, between 1735 and 1740. 
Some of his descendants are still to be found in that state. 
Other members of the family, including Thomas, Ezekiel and 
Charles Polk, followed the current of emigration which swept 
onward to the base of the Alleghanies, and located tempo- 
rarily in the neighborhood of Carlisle, in Pennsylvania. 
Thence, the three brothers, Thomas, Ezekiel and Charles, 
removed to the south-western frontier of North Carolina, 
about 1750, and settled in the county of Mecklenburg, then 
a part of Anson county. Ezekiel subsequently changed his 
residence to South Carolina. Thomas, who, as the eldest 
was considered the head of the family, has the credit of the 
principal agency in bringing about the famous Mecklenburg 
Declaration of Independence, which preceded the one issued 
at Philadelphia by more than a year. It is certain, that both 
he and Ezekiel were staunch and resolute patriots in the 
revolution. 

James Knox Polk was born in Mecklenburg county, 
North Carolina, on the 2d day of November, 1795, and was 
the oldest of ten children. His father was Samuel Polk, 
a son of Ezekiel Polk. His mother was Jane Knox, the 
daughter of James Knox, after whom her eldest son was 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 325 



named, a resident of Iredell county, North Carolina, and a 
captain in the war of the Revolution. 

Samuel Polk, the father, was a plain, unpretending 
farmer, but of enterprising character; from necessity and 
inclination, frugal in his habits and style of living, yet kind 
and onerous in disposition. < Thrown upon his own resources 
in early life, he became the architect of his own fortunes 
Immediately after the close of the Revolution, a strong tide 
of emigration set in from Mecklenburg and the adjoining 
counties, and flowing over the mountains, rolled down upon 
the ranges of grassy hills, the undulating plains the exten- 
sive reaches of grazing land, and the fertile valleys of Ten- 
nessee. Attracted by the glowing accounts, given by the 
first settlers and adventurers, of the beautiful daughter of his 
native state, Samuel Polk formed a determination to remove 
thither with his family; and if honesty of purpose, enterprise 
and industry, could accomplish that end, to achieve a com- 
petence for himself, and those who looked up to him lor 
support and protection. „,.-,. 

From one cause or another the fulfilment of his design 
was postponed till the autumn of the year 1806, when ac- 
companied by his wife and children, he followed the path of 
emigration to the rich valley of the Duck river, one of the 
principal tributaries of the Tennessee. Here, in the midst 
of the wilderness, in a tract of country erected m the fol- 
lowing year into the county of Maury, he established his 
new home. His example was imitated by all the Polk family 
n North Carolina, who, with the exception of one branch, 
emigrated, and cast their lot in with the bold spirits that 
ouo-ht a home in the great valley of the Mississippi.' 

Havincr purchased a quantity of land, Samuel Polk em- 
ployed himself in its cultivation ; following at intervals, the 



326 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

occupation of a surveyor. By dint of patient industry and 
economy, and by his untiring and energetic perseverance, 
he acquired a fortune equal to his wishes and his wants. He 
Jived to behold the country around him become flourishing 
and prosperous ; to see its dark forests pass away like some 
vision of enchantment, and its broad plains and valleys 
blooming with fruits and flowers, and teeming with the luxu- 
riant produce of a fertile soil. Respected as one of the first 
pioneers of Maury, and esteemed as a useful citizen and an 
estimable man, he finally closed his life at Columbia, in 1827. 
His wife, a most excellent and pious woman, afterwards 
married a gentleman by the name of Eden, and is now living 
at Columbia. Her son, James, passed his boyhood in the 
humble position in life which his parents occupied. The 
lessons that he learned in this school were never forgotten. 
He was by no means a stranger to what, — unless, as in his 
case, accompanied by a happy and contented heart, — is the 
drudgery of daily toil. He assisted his father in the man- 
agement of his farm, and was his almost constant companion 
in his surveying excursions. They were frequently absent 
for weeks together, treading the dense forests and traversing 
the rough cane-breaks which then covered the face of the 
country, and exposed to all the changes of the weather, and 
the dangers and vicissitudes of a life in the woods. On these 
occasions, it was the duty of James to take care of the pack- 
horses and camp equipage, and to prepare the scanty and 
frugal meals of the surveying party. When a lad, he was 
strongly inclined to study, and often busied himself with the 
mathematical calculations of his father. He was very fond 
of reading, and was of a- reflective turn of mind. 

"In the infancy of the state of Tennessee, as is always 
the case in new settlements, the opportunities of instruction 



JAMES KNOX POLK. ■ 327 

were quite limited. The father of young Polk was not in 
affluent circumstances, though able to give all his children 
a good education. He regarded with favor the natural bent 
of his son's mind toward study, and kept him pretty con- 
stantly at school. Though afflicted for many years by a 
painful affection, from which he was only relieved by a sur- 
gical operation, James had been completely successful in 
mastering the English studies usually taught, when his health 
began to give way. Fearing that his constitution hud become 
so much weakened as to unfit him altogether for a sedentary 
life, his father, not without many an earnest remonstrance 
from his son, placed him with a merchant, with the view of 
fitting him for commercial pursuits. 

"After remaining a few weeks with the merchant, James 
obtained the permission of his father, by much entreaty and 
persuasion, to return home ; and in the month of July, 1813, 
he was placed under the tuition of the Rev. Dr. Henderson 
Subsequently he was sent to the Murfreesborough Academy, 
then under the superintendence of Mr. Samuel P. Black, 
one of the most celebrated classical teachers in Middle Ten- 
nessee. Henceforward there were no obstacles in the way 
of his obtaining the education he so ardently desired. In 
less than two years and a half he prepared himself thoroughly 
for an advanced class in college ; and in the autumn of 1815, 
being then in his twentieth year, he entered the University 
of North Carolina, at Chapel Hill, at the beginning of the 
sophomore year. This venerable institution, at which so 
many of the most distinguished statesmen, and the most emi- 
nent divines, in the southern part of the union, have been 
educated, was then under the charge of the Rev. Dr. Joseph 
Caldwell, 'justly styled the father of the University.' Co- 
lonel William Polk, late of Raleigh, and the first cousin of 



328 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the father of President Polk, was also one of the most in 
fluential and active of the trustees, and had been such from 
about the time of the first establishment of the institution. 

At the University, Mr. Polk was most exemplary in the 
perf ;rmance of all his duties, not only as a member of col- 
lege, but also of the literary society to which he belonged. 
He was punctual and prompt in every exercise, and never 
absent from recitation or any of the religious services of the 
institution. 

Of the exact sciences he was fond, and he was also an 
able linguist. At each semi-annual examination he bore away 
the highest honors, and at the close of the junior year the 
first distinction was awarded to him and Ex-Governor Wil- 
liam D. Mosely, of Florida. He graduated in June, 1818, 
with the highest distinction, which was assigned to him alone, 
as the best scholar in both the mathematics and the classics, 
and delivered the Latin Salutatory Oration. 

Mr. Polk did not forget his Alma Mater amid the busy 
Bcenes, the turmoil and confusion, of his active life ; nor 
did she lose sight of one who reflected so much credit upon 
her, in every station that he filled. He often revisited her 
shrine, and attended the pleasant re-unions of the mother 
and her sons ; and at the annual commencement, in June, 
1847, the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred 
upon him, together with John Y. Mason, late Secretary of 
the Navy, of the class of 1816, and Willie P. Mangum, of 
the Senate of the United States, and a member of the class 
of 1815. 

When Mr. Polk left the university, his health was con 
siderably impaired by constant and unremitting application 
to his studies. But a few months of relaxation and respite 
from study, were sufficient fully to restore him ; and tha 



JAMLS KNOX POLK. 329 

choice of a profession was then to be considered and decided. 
This was not at all difficult. His thoughts had long been 
directed toward the law, and each succeeding year had 
served to confirm and strengthen the desire which he had 
half formed ere the time came for serious reflection. At the 
beginning of the year 1819, he entered the office of Felix 
Grundy, at Nashville. Mr. Grundy was then in the zenith 
of his fame — at the head of the Tennessee bar — enjoying 
the professional honors and rewards which continued to flow 
liberally upon him — and with the laurels he had won on the 
floor of the house of representatives of the United States in 
defence of the war measures of President Madison, blooming 
freshly on his brow. In him Mr. Polk found a legal preceptor 
whose rich stores of learning were freely opened to his benefit. 
Beside being the favorite student of Mr. Grundy, it was 
the good fortune of Mr. Polk, during his residence at Nash 
ville, to attract the attention and win the esteem of one who 
bound his friends to him with hooks of adamant, and whose 
favor could not be too highly prized ; of one whose influence 
over him, powerful though it was, was at all times voluntarily 
and cheerfully acknowledged ; of Andrew Jackson, the gallant 
defender of New Orleans, already occupying a proud position 
among the great men of the nation. Both preceptor and pupil 
were ever welcome guests at the Hermitage ; both contributed 
in after years, to the elevation of its occupant to the highest 
station in the land, and, the one in the senate, and the other 
in the house, sustained and defended his administration 
against whomsoever assailed it, in storm and. in sunshine, 
from its commencement to its close. General Jackson was 
always warmly attached to Mr. Polk; he looked upon him 
in the light of a i^roUgee, and took a deep interest in his 
political advancement. 



330 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Within two years from the time he entered the office of 
Mr. Grundy, Mr. Polk made sufficient progress in his legal 
studies to entitle him to an examination, and near the close 
of 1820, he was regularly admitted to the bar. He now 
returned to Maury county, and established himself in prac- 
tice at Columbia, among the companions of his boyhood, 
who had grown up with him to man's estate, — among those 
who had known and esteemed him from his earliest years. 
His advantages were great, in consequence of the connec- 
tion of his family, by the ties of blood or friendship, with 
most of the old inhabitants and their descendants. His 
success, therefore, was equal to his fondest hopes. 

Mr. Polk remained at the bar, it may be said, up to the 
time of his election as Governor of Tennessee, but for seve- 
ral years he devoted himself exclusively to the laborious 
duties of his calling, constantly adding to his practice and 
his reputation, and annually reaping a rich harvest of pro* 
fessional emoluments. Though " there were giants in the 
land," he stood in the front rank among his cotemporaries. 
During some portion of this period he was associated with 
other practitioners in business, and at other times he was 
alone. Among his law partners were Anson V. Brown, 
of Pulaski, for some years a representative in Congress from 
the sixth district (Tennessee) and governor of the state from 
1845 to 1847, and Gideon J. Pillow, a major-general in the 
army during the war with Mexico. 

The father of the late President belonged to the Jeffei • 
sonian school of politics ; he supported its founder in the 
great contest of 1800, and up to the close of his life was the 
firm and consistent advocate of democratic principles. The 
associations of Mr. Polk himself, in early life, and while he 
was reading law, naturally inclined him to adopt the same 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 331 

opinions ; but the convictions of his matured judgment a** 
corded with and approved them. 

It is rarely the case, in this country, that the politician 
and lawyers are not united in one and the same person ; and 
Vlr. Polk was not an exception to this general rule. As soon 
is he became a voter he attached himself to the democratic 
party, and after his admission to the bar, was an active par- 
ticipant in the political contests of that day. His style and 
manner as a public speaker were calculated to win the favor 
of a popular assembly, and he was often sent for many miles 
from his home to address the meetings of his party friends. 
Elis reputation in this respect was extensive. 

Possessing all the advantages of mind and disposition so 
necessary to success in an aspirant for political honors ; rooted 
in the affections of a large circle of admiring friends ; the 
hope of the party to which he belonged, he entered public 
life at an early age. His first employment in this character 
was that of chief clerk to the house of representatives of the 
Tennessee legislature ; and in the summer of 1823, in accord- 
ance not more with his own desire than with the wishes of 
his friends, he took the stump against the former member of 
that body from Maury. A most formidable opposition was 
encountered, but after an animated canvass he secured his 
election by a heavy majority. 

He remained in the legislature for two successive years, 
being regarded as one of the most talented and promising 
members. Most of the measures of the then President, Mr. 
Monroe, received his unqualified support and approbation, 
and he was ardently desirous that the successor of the former 
should be one who had no sympathy for the latitudinarian 
doctrines with reference to the constitution which appeared 
to be gaining ground. Animated by this motive, he approved 



332 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

of the nomination of Andrew Jackson for the Presidency, 
made by the Tennessee legislature in August, 1822 ; and in 
the autumn of the following year, he contributed by his in- 
fluence and vote to the election of his distinguished friend to 
the senate of the United States. 

While a member of the general assembly, Mr. Polk 
succeeded in procuring the passage of a law designed to pre- 
vent duelling. Though residing in a section of the union 
where this mode of vindicating one's honor when assailed 
has ever been sustained by the general sense of the commu- 
nity, oftentimes in opposition to positive enactments, he was 
never concerned in a duel, during his whole life, either as 
principal or second. This was the more remarkable, be- 
cause of the many stormy epochs in his political career. 
His aversion to duelling did not proceed from constitutional 
timidity ; he was utterly opposed to the practice, from prin- 
ciple ; and though he made no unbecoming parade of his 
sentiments, he did not care to conceal them. No one ever 
invaded his personal rights without finding him prepared to 
defend them. 

Mr. Polk always doubted the power of the general go- 
vernment to make improvements in the states; and his 
doubts ultimately became absolute denials of the right. He 
concurred, however, with Mr. Monroe, in the belief that 
such improvements were desirable, and that it would be pro- 
per to amend the constitution so as to confer the power, 
although, in the absence of such an amendment, they might 
be carried on with the consent of the states in which they 
were located. When, therefore, the President so far yielded 
to those of his friends who had long vainly attempted to 
persuade him to lend his countenance to an extensive sys- 
tem of internal improvements, as to give his consent to the 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 333 

act of 1824, authorizing surveys to be made of the routes of 
of such roads and canals as he might deem of national im- 
portance, Mr. Polk looked upun the measure with favor. 
The views of Mr. Polk on this question of internal improve- 
ments subsequently underwent a change ; and when he saw 
what great latitude had been taken under the constitution 
as it was, and how much danger there was to be appre- 
hended from the undue enlargement of the power of the 
general government by the adoption of the proposed amend- 
ment, he took decided ground against any change, and ex 
erted all his influence and authority to bring back the ship 
of state to her ancient channel. 

On the 1st day of January, 1824, Mr. Polk was mar- 
ried to Sarah Childress, the daughter of Joel Childress, a 
wealthy and enterprising merchant of Rutherford county, 
Tennessee. 

Mrs. Polk was well fitted to adorn any station. To the 
charms of a fine person she united intellectual accomplish- 
ments of a high order. Sweetness of disposition, graceful- 
ness and ease of manner, and beauty of mind, were happily 
blended in her character. Her unfailing courtesy, and her 
winning deportment, were remarked by every one who saw 
her presiding at the White House. 

In the spring of 1825, Mr. Polk offered himself to the 
electors of the sixth or Duck river district, in which he re- 
Bided, as their candidate for Congress. At this time the 
subject of internal improvements was attracting unusual at- 
tention in Tennessee, owing, probably, to the examinations 
•recently made by the board of engineers, under the act of 
1824, of the country between the Potomac and the Ohio 
rivers. Indeed, it was the only political question of im- 
portance, — except the manner in which General Jackson. 



334 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

whom Mr. Polk had ardently supported, had been defrauded, 
as was alleged by his friends, of the Presidency, — that was 
then agitated or discussed ; for, although there had been 
several candidates voted for at the late presidential election, 
they all claimed to belong to the same party. 

" Although Mr. Polk, like many other young men be- 
longing to the democratic party, was disposed, in 1825, to 
adopt the impression that the authority to construct works 
of internal improvement was comprehended in the money- 
power conferred by the constitution, further reflection and 
experience caused him to change his opinion. At the Au- 
gust election, in 1825, he was chosen a member of Congress, 
by a flattering vote. That he discharged his duties to the 
entire satisfaction of those whom he represented, is evidenced 
by the fact, that he was repeatedly returned by the same 
constituency, for fourteen years in succession, from 1825 
to 1839. In the latter year he voluntarily withdrew from 
another contest, in which his success was not even ques- 
tionable, in order to become a candidate for the office of 
governor of his adopted state. 

" Mr. Polk first took his seat in the house of representa- 
tives, as a member of the sixteenth Congress, in December, 
1825 : being, with one or two exceptions, the youngest 
member of that body. The same habits of laborious appli- 
cation which had previously characterized him, were noi* 
displayed on the floor of the house and in the committee- 
room. He was punctual and prompt in the performanc< 
of every duty. 

" Immediately after the organization of the two houses 
of Congress, in December, 1825, the peculiar circumstance; 
attending the election of Mr. Adams, through the influenco 
and aid of Mr. Clay, were brought up in review. Amend 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 335 

ments to the constitution were proposed in the senate, by 
Mr. Benton, of Missouri, providing for a direct vote by the 
people, in districts, for President, and dispensing with the 
electoral colleges ; and by Mr. McDuffie, of South Carolina, 
in the house, authorizing the electors to be chosen by dis- 
tricts, and containing provisions which would prevent the 
choice of President, in future, from devolving on the house 
of representatives. Mr. Polk made his debut as a speaker 
on this question, and advocated the amendment of the con- 
stitution, in such a manner as to give the choice of Presi- 
dent and Vice President directly to the people. As one of 
the friends of General Jackson, he entered warmly into the 
subject, and his speech was characterized by what was with 
him an unusual degree of animation in addressing a delibe- 
rative body. He afterwards earnestly opposed the Panama 
mission, the object of which was to form an alliance, offensive 
and defensive between the North and South American re- 
publics, and spoke against a protective tariff and a system of 
internal improvements. In reference to the Panama mission, 
Mr. Polk introduced the following resolutions. 

" Resolved, That it is the constitutional right and duty of 
the house of representatives, when called upon for appropri- 
ations to defray the expenses of foreign missions, to deliberate 
on the expediency or inexpediency of such missions, and to 
determine and act thereon, as in their judgment may seem 
most conducive to the public good. 

"Resolved, That it is the sense of this House, that the 
sending of ministers, on the part of the United States, to 
take part in the deliberations of the Congress of South Ameri- 
can nations, at Panama, would be a total departure from the 
uniform course of policy pursued by this government, from 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution to the present period ; 



336 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

and might, and in all probability would, have a tendency to 
involve the nation in 'entangling alliances,' and endanger 
the neutrality and relations of amity and peace, which at 
present happily subsist between the United States and the 
belligerent power-s — old Spain and the southern republics of 
this continent." 

Mr. Polk defended his resolutions, and enforced his views 
upon the question, in an argumentative speech. 

During the whole period of General Jackson's admini- 
stration, as long as he retained a seat on the floor, he was 
one of its leading supporters, and at times, and on certain 
question of paramount importance, its chief reliance. In 
the hour of trial he was never found wanting, or from his 
post. In December, 1827, two years after his entrance into 
the house, Mr. Polk was placed on the important committee 
jf foreign affairs, and some time after was appointed, in ad 
dition, chairman of the select committee to which was re- 
ferred that portion of the President's message calling the 
attention of Congress to the probable accumulation of a 
surplus in the treasury, after the anticipated extinguish- 
ment of the national debt. As the head of this committee, 
he made a lucid report, replete with Jeffersonian doctrines, 
ably enforced, denying the constitutional powers of Congress 
to collect from the people, for distribution, a surplus beyond 
the wants of the government, and maintaining that the re- 
venue should be reduced to the exigencies of the public service. 
The session of 1830 will always be distinguished by the death- 
blow which was then given to the system of internal improve- 
ments by the general government. The Maysville road veti 
was second in importance to none of the acts of General 
Jackson's administration. When the bill was returned by the 
President unsigned, a storm arose in the house, in the midst 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 337 

of which the veto was attacked by a torrent of passionate 
declamation, mixed with no small share of personal abuse. 
To a member from Ohio, whose observations partook of the 
latter character, Mr. Polk replied in an energetic improvi- 
sation, vindicating the patriotic resolution of the Chief Ma- 
gistrate. The friends of state-rights in the house rallied 
upon the veto. The result was the bill was rejected. 

In September, 1833, the President, determined upon tho 
bold measure of the removal of the deposits, which was ef- 
fected in the following month. The act produced much ex- 
citement throughout the country, and it was foreseen that a 
great and doubtful conflict was about to ensue. At such a 
crisis it became important to have at the head of the com- 
mittee of ways and means, a man of courage to meet, and 
firmness to sustain, the formidable shock. Such a man was 
found in Mr. Polk, and he proved himself equal to the oc- 
casion. Congress met, and the conflict proved even fiercer 
than had been anticipated. The cause of the bank was sup- 
ported in the house by such men as Mr. McDuffee, Adams, 
and Binney, not to mention a host of other names. Mr. 
McDuffie, the distinguished leader of the opposition in this 
eventful conflict, bore testimony, in his concluding remarks, 
to the boldness and manliness with which Mr. Polk had 
assumed the only position which could be judiciously taken. 
All the measures of the committee, including those of para- 
mount importance, relating to the bank and the deposits, 
were carried in spite of the most immitigable opposition. 

Although the vote of Tennessee, given at the presidential 
election, in 1828, was almost unanimously in favor of Ge- 
neral Jackson, indications of dissatisfaction were manifested 
by some of the most prominent members of the democratic 
party in that state, at an early period of his administration. 



838 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



\s the time approached, for the selection of his successor, 
the elements of discord and disaffection were more plainly 
visible. His preference for Mr. Van Buren were well know u, 
as they were never disguised. But in Tennessee, a large 
portion of the democratic party were in favor of Hugh L. 
White, an estimable and talented citizen of that state, then 
one of its senators in Congress. 

Governor Carroll, Ex-Governor Blount, Felix Grundy, 
James K. Polk, Cave Johnson, and other discerning men 
in the democratic ranks, in Tennessee, saw, at a glance, that 
the prospects of Judge White were utterly hopeless. Ten- 
nessee had been honored with a President of her own choice, 
for eight years in succession ; and there was nothing in the 
public services, or in the character of Judge White, that pe- 
culiarly entitled him to inherit this distinction, in opposition 
to the candidates whose nomination was desired in other states 
Besides, the general sentiment of the democratic party in the 
nation, as manifested in a thousand ways, and in the most 
unequivocal manner, had indicated a decided preference for 
Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Polk and his friends were disposed 
to yield a ready acquiescence to what appeared to be the 
controlling desire of their democratic friends out of Ten- 
nessee. He was himself urgently solicited to join in some 
public manifestation in behalf of Judge White ; but he firmly 
and constantly refused to lend his name or his influence foi 
any such purpose. 

In the house of representatives, the White interest was 
represented by John Bell, one of the colleagues of Mr. Polk, 
a,nd between whom there had long existed a sort of rivalship. 
Both claimed to be the sincere friends of General Jackson, 
and both approved of the veto of the United States Bank, 
and the removal of the deposits. But Mr, Bell was in favor 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 339 

of the incorporation of another bank, while Mr. Polk, in 
accordance with what had now become one of the cardinal 
doctrines of the party to which he belonged, avowed his un- 
compromising hostility to such an institution. In June, 
1834, the speaker of the house, Andrew Stevenson, of Vir- 
ginia, resigned his seat in Congress, in consequence of his 
nomination as minister to Great Britain. Mr. Polk wag 
instantly selected by a majority of the democratic members, 
as the administration candidate for the vacant position. 
But the friends of Judge White refused to support him, and 
voted for Mr. Bell, who, with the aid of the whig members, 
was elected over Mr. Polk on the tenth ballot. 

Shortly after the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Van Bu- 
ren was regularly put in nomination as the democratic can- 
didate for President, by the unanimous voice of the national 
convention assembled at Baltimore, in May, 1835. Mi-. Polk 
took no part in calling or recommending this convention. 
It was entirely a new movement, and originated mainly in 
a desire to organize the democratic party in a most efficient 
manner, in anticipation of a powerful effort on the part of 
the opponents of the administration to defeat their candi- 
dates. After the nominations were made, and received 
with an almost universal expression of approbation in everv 
state in the Union, Tennessee alone excepted, Mr. Polk an- 
nounced his determination not to separate himself from the 
democratic party of the nation. Messrs. Carroll, Blount, 
Grundy, and Johnson, agreed with him in sentiment, and 
active preparations were immediately made to carry the state 
at the gubernatorial and congressional elections, in August, 
1835. But the time proved too short to counteract the im- 
pressions which had been formed, and to change the direction 
of the popular current. The whigs united with the friends 



340 LIVES OF THE PE ESIDENTS. 

of Judge White, and succeeded in defeating Governor Car 
-oil, who was nominated for re-election, and all the admi- 
nistration candidates for Congress, save Mr. Polk and Mr. 
Johnson. 

Judge White ultimately received the support only of the 
opponents of the administration and of the friends of the 
United States Bank, except that in a very few instances he 
obtained the votes of persons in the southern states, who 
thought Mr. Van Buren would be unable to carry them, and 
desired to prevent the election of General Harrison, the 
whig: candidate at the north. In the state of Tennessee, 
Mr. Polk and his friends engaged with great activity in the 
contest, in support of Mr. Van Buren ; but the White elec- 
toral ticket, with the whig opposition united in its favor, 
succeeded, by about nine thousand majority. 

Shortly after the August election, in 1835, Mr. Polk 
visited Nashville, when on his way to Rutherford county. 
While at the seat of government, the compliment of a public 
dinner was tendered to him by the democrats of that city ; 
but he was forced to decline the proffered invitation, on 
account of the poor state of his health. 

When the members of the twenty-fourth Congress assem- 
bled at the capitol for their first regular session, in Decem- 
ber, 1835, it was found that the friends of the administra- 
tion were largely in the majority. Mr. Polk was selected 
by general consent as their candidate for speaker, not 
merely as an act of justice on account of the circumstances 
under which he was defeated the previous year, but as a 
tribute to the firmness and independences he had exhibited 
during the canvass in Tennessee. Mr. Bell was once mora 
the opposing candidate, but he received only eighty-four 
yotes, while one hundred and thirty-two were given for Mr 



JAMES KXOX POLK. 341 

Polk. At the first, or extra session of the twenty -fifth 
Congress, held in September, 1837, the same candidates 
were pitted against each other — Mr. Bell being at that time 
thoroughly identified with the opposition.* Parties were 
more equally divided in this Congress, but Mr. Polk wat 
again chosen over his opponent by thirteen majority. 

As the speaker of the twenty-fourth and the twenty-fiftl 
Congress, Mr. Polk occupied the chair of the house during 
five sessions. It was his fortune to fill this distinguished 
position when party feelings were excited to an unusual 
degree. During the first session, more appeals were taken 
from his decisions, than were ever before known ; but he 
was uniformly sustained by the house, and frequently by 
the most prominent members of the opposition. He was 
courteous and affable toward all who approached him, and 
in his manner, as the presiding officer, dignity and urbanity 
were appropriately blended. At the close of the twenty- 
fourth Congress,' in March, 1837, a unanimous vote of 
thanks to the speaker was passed by the house. 

In adjourning the house, on the 4th of March, 1839, and 
terminating for ever his connection with the body, of which 
he had been so long a member, Mr. Polk delivered a fare- 
well address of more than ordinary length, but characterized 
by deep feeling. 

Still higher honors awaited Mr. Polk. His long and ar- 
duous service in the national representation, and more es- 
pecially the circumstances attending the presidential canvass 
of 1836, had familiarized the people of Tennessee with his 
name and character. To the democrat party he was endeared 
for his sacrifices in their behalf, by his devotion to their in- 
terests, and his steadfast maintainance of their principles. 

At. the earnest request of his friends, Mr. Polk consented 



342 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

to become the candidate of the democrats of Tennessee, at 
the August election, in 1839, for the office of governor. It 
was very evident that none but the strongest man in the 
party could enter into the canvass with any thing like a 
fair prospect before him ; and it was exceedingly doubtful 
whether he could be successful. Mr. Polk accepted the nomi- 
nation which was tendered to him by the unanimous consent 
of his democratic friends, in the fall of 1838, and at a bar- 
becue in Murfreesborough publicly declared himself a candi- 
date. He immediately took the stump, but was only able 
to make a few speeches that fall, as it was necessary for him 
to repair to Washington in time for the opening of the session 
of Congress. At the close of the session, in the spring of 
1839, he hastened home without delay, and his voice was 
soon heard uttering its appeals, that aroused the energies 
of the party. The canvass was warm and spirited. The 
state had for years been in the hands of the opposition, and 
they now rallied with enthusiasm and alacrity in support of 
Governor Cannon, the incumbent of the office, who was a 
candidate for re-election. 

The exertions of Mr. Polk during this canvass deserved 
the success with which they were rewarded. He was elected 
over Governor Cannon by upwards of twenty-five hundred 
majority, and on the 14th of October took the oath of office 
at Nashville, and entered upon the discharge of his duties. 
On this occasion, he delivered an address, which is consi- 
dered to be one of the clearest and ablest documents that 
ever came from his pen. 

By the amended constitution of Tennessee, provision was 
made for such works of internal improvements as the geo- 
graphical position of the state rendered necessary ; and in 
his first regular message, delivered to the two houses of the 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 343 

general assembly, on the 22d of October, 1839, Governo\ 
Polk advised the " vigorous prosecution of a judicious sys- 
tem of internal improvements," and that " a board of public 
works, to be composed of two or more competent and scien- 
tific men, should be authorized, and their duties established 
by law." In the same message, he recommended the revi- 
sion of the laws prohibiting the practice of betting on elec- 
tions, which, he says, " begets excitement and engenders 
strife; and it but too often happens, that those who have 
stakes at hazard, become more interested to secure them, 
than by a dispassionate exercise of the right of suffrage, to 
secure the public good." 

Of irresponsible issues of paper money, or paper credits 
intended for circulation as money, he was always jealous; 
and in his second regular annual message to the legislature, 
in 1841, he advised " a revision of the laws prohibiting the 
issuance of any exchange tickets or small paper bills, by 
individuals and corporations other than banks," for the 
reason, as stated by him, that " some of the internal im- 
provement companies in which the state was a copartner," 
had issued " small paper bills in the form of script or checks, 
and put them into circulation as money, without any specie 
basis upon which to rest, and without authority of law." 

The administration of the state government by Mr. Polk 
was satisfactory to the public, and his course as chief magis- 
trate was well calculated to harmonize the party of which, 
by the death of his old friend and preceptor, Mr. Grundy, 
in 1840, he had become the acknowledged head. The term 
of office of Mr. Polk expired in October, 1841, but at the 
August election of that year, he was again a candidate. Ilh 
prospects were dark — the Harrison electoral ticket had suc- 
ceeded in the state by more than twelve thousand majoritv. 



344 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

To overcome this heavy vote was impossible ; but Mr. Polk 
entered upon the canvass with his accustomed spirit and 
ability. His competitor was James C. Jones, a most effective 
speaker, and decidedly the most popular man at that time 
in the whig party of the state. 

Personal good feeling on the part of the opposing candi- 
dates characterized this contest, as it had that of 1839. 
Mr. Polk frankly and cordially met Mr Jones on the atump 
and travelled in company with him. But the efforts of Mr. Polk 
proved unavailing. The politics of the state were for the 
time firmly fixed in opposition to his own. He was defeated, 
but reduced the whig majority to about three thousand. In 
1843, he was once more a candidate opposed to Governor 
Jones, but the latter was re-elected by nearly four thousand 
majority. 

On leaving the executive chair of Tennessee, Mr. Polk 
returned to private life. He possessed a competence — all 
that he needed or desired — which enabled him to be liberal 
in the bestowment of his charities, and to dispense a generous 
hospitality to his numerous friends. 

Mr. Polk was not without ambition ; but he preferred 
henceforth for others to secure his advancement, if they de- 
sired so to do, and contented himself with being in the main 
a passive instrument in their hands. In 1841 and 1843, he 
came forth as a candidate for governor, only in compliance 
with the general desire of his party. The wishes and ex- 
pectation of his immediate friends were early fixed on the 
presidential office. At the session of the Tennessee legis- 
lature, in 1839, he was nominated by that body for the 
Vice Presidency, to be placed on the ticket with Mr. Van 
13uren, and with the expectation, no doubt, that he might 
succeed that gentleman in the higher office. He was after 



j AMES KNOX POLK. 34o 

wards nominated in other states for the same position ; bin 
as Colonel Johnson seemed to bo the choice of the great 
body of the democratic party in the union, no efforts of im- 
portance were made by the former, and at the election, in 
1840, he received but one electoral vote, in the college of 
Virginia. 

From the time of the defeat of Mr. Van Buren, in 1840, 
ftp to within a few weeks previous to the assembling of the 
national democratic convention at Baltimore, in 1844, public 
opinion in the democratic party seemed to be firmly fixed 
"apon him as their candidate for re-election to the station 
he had once filled. But in the month of April, 1844, a 
treaty was concluded, under the auspices of President Tyler, 
between the representatives of the government of the United 
States and of the republic of Texas, providing for the an- 
nexation of the latter to the American Confederacy. This 
measure, though long in contemplation, was fruitful in strife 
and dissension. Hitherto it had been conceded on every 
hand, that Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay ought to be, and 
would be, the rival candidates for the Presidency, in 1844 ; 
but now the political elements were thrown into complete 
confusion. The opinions of every public man in the United 
States were sought ; and among others, Mr. Polk was ad- 
dressed. He replied, arguing in favor of annexation. 

When the Texas question was presented in this manner 
to the American people, public men, and the parties to 
which they belonged, arrayed themselves on one side or the 
other. The whig party at the north opposed the annexation. 
The democratic party generally favored the annexation ; but 
a small portion of the party at the north, and a few of its 
members residing in the slave states opposed it. 

In the midst of the commotion produced by the agitation 



346 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

of tae Texas question, the national democratic convention 
assembled at Baltimore, on the 27th of May, 1844. Until 
the publication of his Texas letter, Mr. Van Burcn had been 
by far the most prominent candidate ; but when the conven- 
tion met, Lewis Cass, of Michigan ; Richard M. Johnson, 
of Kentucky ; James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, and Levi 
Woodbury, of New Hampshire, all of whom were in favor of 
the immediate annexation of Texas, were supported for the 
nomination by their respective friends, with greater or less 
earnestness. Immediately after the organization of the 
convention, a rule was adopted, in accordance with the pre- 
cedents established by the conventions of 1832 and 1835, 
requiring a vote of two-thirds to secure a nomination. Mr. 
Van Buren received a majority of votes on the first ballot; 
seven additional ballotings were then had, but at no time did 
he receive a vote of two thirds ; whereupon his name was 
withdrawn by the New York delegation. The delegates op- 
posed to the nomination, after the first ballot, concentrated 
their strength mainly upon Mr. Cass ; but as the friends of 
Mr. Van Buren numbered more than one-third of the con- 
vention, and were irreconcilably hostile to the selection of 
any of the other candidates originally proposed, it was appa- 
rent that no nomination could be made without their consent. 
The name of Mr. Polk had been freely spoken of in con- 
nection with the Vice Presidency, and when the convention 
found itself in this dilemma, a number of his friends among 
the delegates voted for him on the eighth ballot as the pre- 
sidential candidate. On the ninth ballot he received nearly 
all the votes of the members of the convention, and the vote 
was subsequently made unanimous. The nomination for the 
Vice Presidency was tendered with great unanimity to Silas 
Wright, of New York, a distinguished friend of Mr. Van Buren. 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 347 

but it was declined ; and George M. Dallas, of Pennsylva- 
nia, was then put in nomination. The closing proceedings 
of the convention were marked by great good feeling and 
enthusiasm. 

The nomination of Mr. Polk was communicated to him by 
a committee appointed by the convention. Unexpected as 
was the honor thus conferred upon him, he did not decline it. 
In reply to the committee he returned a letter of acceptance, 
in which he avowed his firm determination in the event of his 
election, not to be again a candidate. 

Prior to its adjournment, the Baltimore convention 
adopted a series of resolution, setting forth the principles 
that distinguished them as a party. By the acceptance of 
their nomination, Mr. Polk signified his approbation of those 
resolutions. 

The candidates selected by the whig party, in opposition to 
the democratic nominees, were Henry Clay, of Kentucky, for 
President, and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, for 
Vice President. Mr. Tyler, the then President, was also 
put in nomination for the Presidency, by a convention of 
Ms friends, but he subsequently withdrew his name and gave 
his support to the democratic ticket. The nomination was 
not only well received, but a spirit of enthusiasm was soon 
h roused in his favor. The election was conducted with great 
spirit and animation. Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Cass, with 
the other candidates before the national convention, and 
their friends cordially supported the ticket. 

In the electoral colleges, Mr. Polk received one hundred 
and seventy votes, and Mr. Clay one hundred and live. The 
majority of Mr. Polk over his distinguished competitor, on 
the popular vote, was about forty thousand, exclusive of the 
vote of South Carolina, whose electors are chosen by the 



348 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

state legislature. The total vote was a little less than tv/o 
million seven hundred thousand. 

On the 28th of November — the result of the election being 
then known — Mr. Polk visited Nashville, and was honored 
with a public reception by his democratic friends, together 
with a number of his opponents in the late contest, who 
cheerfully united with them in paying due honors to the Pre- 
sident elect of the people's choice. A brilliant civic and 
military procession escorted him to the public square in front 
of the court house, where he was addressed by the Honorable 
A. 0. P. Nicholson, on behalf of the large assembly, that 
had collected to welcome him to the seat of government. To 
the address of Mr. Nicholson, congratulating him on his 
success, and assuring him of the highest respect and admi- 
ration entertained for his intellectual capacity and his private 
virtues by the people of Tennessee, Mr. Polk replied in a 
conciliatory and grateful spirit. 

Mr. Polk left his home in Tennessee, on his way to Wash- 
ington, toward the latter part of January, 1845. lie was 
accompanied on his journey by Mrs. Polk, and several per- 
sonal friends. On the 31st instant, he had a long private 
interview at the Hermitage, with his venerable friend, Andrew 
Jackson. The leave-taking was affectionate and impressive, 
for each felt conscious, that, in all probability it was a fare- 
well for ever. 

On the first of February, Mr. Polk and suite left Nashville, 
and proceeded as rapidly as possible, considering the demon 
Btrations of respect with which he was every where received 
on his route, to the seat of government of the nation. 

The President eleet and his party arrived at Washington 
on the 13th of February, and was immediately waited upon 
by a committee of the two houses of Congress, who informed 



JAMES KNOX PO^K. 3^9 

him that the returns from the electoral colleges had been 
opened, and the ballots counted, on the previous day ; and 
that he had been declared duly elected President of the 
United States. He thereupon signified his acceptance of 
the office to which he had been chosen by the people, and 
desired the committee to convey to Congress his assurances, 
that " in executing the responsible duties which would de- 
volve upon him, it would be his anxious desire to maintain 
the honor and promote the welfare of the country." 

On the 4th clay of March, 1845, Mr. Polk was inaugurated 
President of the United States. An immense concourse of 
people assembled at Washington — every quarter of the Union 
being well represented — to witness the imposing ceremony. 
At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the procession moved 
from the quarters of the President elect, at Coleman's 
hotel — Mr. Polk and his predecessor, Mr. Tyler, riding 
together in an open carriage. Arriving at the capitol, the 
President elect and the Ex-President entered the senate 
chamber. Here a procession was formed, when they pro- 
ceeded to the platform on the east front of the capitol, from 
which Mr* Polk delivered his inaugural address.* 

This paper was long, clearly written / and argumentative. 
The policy of the incoming administration was defined, and 
strongly enforced. The oath of office was then administered 
by Chief Justice Taney, and Mr. Polk returned to the pre- 
sidential mansion. In the evening, the President and his 
lady attended two balls given in honor of the inauguration. 

President Polk's cabinet was made up from the most dis- 
tingushed members of the democratic party, as follows: 
James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of State ; 

* We are indebted for the greater part of this sketch to the ably written 
u Life of James K. Polk," by John 8. Jenkins, Esq. 



350 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
William L. Marcy, of New York, Secretary of War ; George 
Bancroft, of Massachusetts, Secretary of the Navy ; Cave 
Johnson, of Tennessee, Postmaster General ; and John Y. 
Mason, of Virginia, Attorney General. With such a mi- 
nistry, it was expected that the President would satisfy the 
expectations of the democratic party. 

The first important achievement of the new administra- 
tion — that which influenced the remainder of his term — 
was the consummation of the annexation of Texas to the 
union. Shortly before the close of Mr. Tyler's term of 
office, joint resolutions in favor of the annexation of Texas 
had passed both houses of Congress, and in pursuance of 
them, President Polk instructed the charge d' affairs of the 
United States, in Texas, to make the necessary overtures. 
The people of the infant republic accepted the proffered 
terms, then held a convention, framed and adopted a state 
constitution, and prepared themselves for admission into 
the union. In his first annual message, President Polk 
called the attention of Congress to the importance of pass- 
ing at an early day, an act recognizing Texas as a sister of.. 
the confederacy. 

The " Army of Occupation," which had been ordered to 
take post between the Neuces and del Norte (Rio Grande) 
was under the command of brevet Brigadier-General Taylor, 
the fleet in the gulf was under the orders of Commodore 
Conner. Of the events which brought about the declaration 
of war, and upon which so much discussion has been held, 
we have not room here to speak. 

The opposition in Congress denounced the war as unjust, 
and as being unconstitutionally begun by the President. It 
was said <hat the President had authorized such aggressive 



JAMES KNOX POLK. o.)l 

measures as were calculated to provoke war, aid that he 
then called upon Congress to recognize the existence of 
hostilities. 

War was declared against Mexico. Even before the de- 
claration passed Congress, General Taylor fought two bat- 
tles, with a much superior Mexican force, commanded by 
General Arista, and gained two glorious victories — those of 
Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma. From that time the 
contest was prosecuted by the United States forces, with as- 
tonishing vigor and success. Generals Taylor and Scott, 
with a gallant band of officers and troops won imperishable 
laurels. Monterey, Buena Vista, Bracita, Sacramento, Doni- 
phan's march, the capture of Vera Cruz and San Juan de Ulloa, 
Sierra Gordo, Contreras, Churubusco, Molina del Rey, Cha- 
pultepec, and Mexico will ever remain as brilliant testimonials 
to the skill and indomitable courage of the American soldiery. 
Stockton, Kearney, and Fremont made an almost bloodless 
conquest of Alta California, which was afterwards ascertained 
to be one of the richest countries in the world, and is now 
the magnet of so many hearts. New Mexico was conquered 
by Kearney without a battle. After the capture of her cap- 
ital, Mexico was willing to negotiate for peace. On the 2d 
of February, 1848, at Guadalupe Hidalgo, a treaty was con- 
cluded by the United States commissioner, Mr. N. P. Trist, 
and three Mexican commissioners. By this treaty, the Rio 
Grande was established as the boundary between the United 
States and Mexico, below El Paso ; the extensive provinces 
of New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to th« 
United States, in consideration of the payment to the go- 
vernment of Mexico, the sum of fifteen millions of dollars, 
and the assumption by the former claims of her citizens. This 
treaty with some modifications was ratified by both govern- 



352 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

ments, the United Strtes forces evacuated Mexico, and peace 
once more smiled upon the two republics. 

The recommendations of President Polk, in his first annual 
message, the restoration of the independent treasury system — 
the revision of the tariff act of 1842, substituting ad valorem 
for specific dates, and reducing it to a revenue standard — 
fclie increase of the navy ; and the gradation of the price of 
the public land, were approved and carried into effect by 
Congress. A bill, appropriating nearly one million five hun- 
dred thousand for the improvement of certain harbors and 
rivers, was passed by Congress in the latter part of July 1846. 
On the 3d of August, Mr. Polk returned it with a message, 
stating his objection. From the President's previous course 
in regard to internal improvements, this veto might have been 
expected. But it excited much clamor. In the house, the 
bill was reconsidered, but a two-thirds vote could not be 
obtained. 

But few changes took place in the cabinet during Mr. 
Polk's administration. Mr. Bancroft was appointed minis- 
ter to England, and John Y. Mason, the Attorney General, 
was transferred to the post of the Secretary of the Navy. 
Nathan Clifford, of Maine, was appointed Attorney General. 
In the summer of 1847, President Polk made a tour through 
the middle and eastern states, proceeding as far as Portland, 
Maine. He was received with every demonstration of respect. 
The opposition obtained a small majority in the house of re- 
presentatives of the thirtieth Congress, and elected Robert 
E. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, speaker. The first session 
of this congress extended from the 1st of December, 1847, 
til. the 14th of August 1848. The opposition maintained 
that the government should pursue a defensive policy in the 
wai with Mexico, but to this the President was utterly op- 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 353 

posed and he stated his reasons at length in his message to 
Congress. Much of the session was occupied in discussion 
of the war measures. The bill providing a territorial govern- 
ment for Oregon, and prohibiting the institution of slavery 
therein, passed Congress not long before its adjournment, and 
was approved by the President. 

Mr. Polk heartily approved of the nominations for Presi- 
dent and Vice President made by the democratic convention, 
which met at Baltimore, in May, 1848. In a letter to the 
convention, he declined to be considered a candidate. At 
the election, the opponents of the administration were suc- 
cessful. General Taylor and Millard Fillmore obtained a 
majority over the democratic nominees, General Cass and 
General Butler. 

Congress assembled, for the last time during the admini- 
stration of Mr. Polk, on the 4th of December, 1845. In 
his message, the President took occasion to enlarge upon the 
policy of the administration, and to its justice and expedi- 
ency. In particular, he strove to justify the exercise of the 
veto power. No acts of importance were passed during this 
congressional session, which lasted until the 3rd of March, 
1849. Mr. Polk remained in Washington, and took part in 
the ceremonies attending the inauguration of General Tay- 
lor ; and then returned to Tennessee by way of Richmond, 
Charleston, and New Orleans. At the various points upon 
his route, he was greeted with public receptions. 

Mr. Polk had purchased the estate which formerly be- 
longed to his preceptor, Felix Grundy, situated in the heart 
of Nashville. There he determined to pass the remainder 
of his life, surrounded by comforts and conveniences, and 
in the enjoyment of an affectionate and admiring circle of 
friends. But he was not permitted to linger among the de- 



354 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

lightful shades of domestic life. In June, 1849, the cholera, 
like a desolating blast, swept over the valley of the Missis- 
sippi, carrying off thousands, with the suddenness of the 
plague of the old world. On his way from New Orleans 
up the Mississippi, in March, 1849, Mr. Polk had suffered 
much from diarrhoea ; but it was checked and he seemed to 
be restored to perfect health. But he was not long at home, 
before he was again beset with chronic diarrhaea, which ter- 
minated its work in death, on the 15th of June, 1849, in 
the fifty -fourth year of his age. Mr. Polk left no children 
His property was bequeathed to his widow, and to an 
adopted son of his brother Marshall. 

In person, Mr. Polk was about the average height, and 
rather thin. He had a full forehead, expressive blue eyes, 
and in general a serious, earnest cast of countenance. He 
was plain in his habits, and blameless in his private life. 
As a statesman, he was decided in his views, and firm in 
the maintainance of his opinions. As an orator, he was 
ready and earnest, but seldom brilliant. As a writer, he was 
clear and correct, but occasionally diffuse. He will be re- 
membered, as having conducted one of the most eventful 
administrations known to the history of the United States, 
and as having exercised an important influence upon the 
politics of the country. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR, 

Popularity, like a butterfly, frequently, rests upon those 
who least care for catching it. There are certain qualities 
which, as soon as displayed win the general love, and ever 
call forth the public admiration. It is common to say that 
audacity alone secures popular esteem, and that modest 
merit lies unappreciated. But facts prove it to be other- 
wise. The mass have clearer vision than the few, and no 
counterfeit coin can long be imposed upon them. They re- 
cognize integrity, intelligence, and heroism, as soon as pre- 
sented to their view, and immediately give these qualities 
'heir due regard. Integrity, they value above all other 
features of character. In their opinion — 

" An honest man's the noblest work of God." 

They give their hearts to a man upon whose word and 
action they know they can safely build. Intelligence they 
look at last ; because they know that determined common 
sense can never be very far out of the right path. It was 
for integrity and determination that the people raised 
Zachary Taylor to the highest office in their gift. 

Zachary Taylor was born in Orange county, Virginia, 
in the year 1784. His father, Colonel Richard Taylor, 

355 



356 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

a zealous patriot of the revolution, soon after the birth of 
Zachary, removed to the state of Kentucky, and settled 
near Louisville. At the age of six years, Zachary was 
placed under a private tutor, a Mr. Ayres, who was pecu- 
liarly fitted for the task of " teaching the young idea how 
to shoot." All accounts agree that young Taylor displayed 
rare force of character, and evinced a passion for military 
exercise and active sports. 

As he ardently desired to enter the army, his father, in 
1808, procured him the commission of lieutenant, in the 7th 
regiment of the United States infantry. 

Not long after, he joined the army at New Orleans, then 
under the command of General Wilkinson. In 1810, he was 
united in marriage to Miss Margaret Smith, of Maryland, 
a lady in all respects worthy of his affections. In the fol- 
lowing November, he was promoted to the rank of captain. 
In 1811, he was placed in command of Fort Knox, on the 
Wabash, in the vicinity of Vincennes. From this station he 
was ordered to the east, a short time before the battle of Tip- 
pecanoe. In 1812, he received orders to take command of 
Fort Harrison, a post situated on the Wabash, seventy-five 
miles above Vincennes and fifty miles beyond the frontier 
settlements. This was an important trust for one of his age. 
But certain events proved the sagacity of the appointment. 

While in command of Fort Harrison, Captain Taylor 
became the hero of one of the most desperate conflicts fought 
during the war. This frontier post was nothing more than 
a slight stockade, Avhich had been thrown up by General 
Harrison in 1811, while on his march to Tippecanoe. The 
defences were of the most simple and primitive kind. The 
whole was built of unseasoned timber ; and was formed on 
three sides by single rows of pickets ; the fourth side con- 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 357 

sisting of a range of log huts, appropriated as barracks for 
the soldiers, and terminated at either extreme by a block 
house. When Captain Taylor assumed the command of this 
rude fortification, it was exceedingly ill provided either for 
comfort or defence, and was garrisoned by a single broken 
company of infantry. 

On the third of September, 1812, two men were murdered 
by the Indians within a few hundred yards of the fort. Late 
on the evening of the 4th, between thirty and forty Indians 
arrived from Prophet's town, bearing a white flag. They were 
principally chiefs, and belonged to the various tribes that 
composed the Prophet's party. Captain Taylor was informed 
that the principal chief would make him a speech the 
next morning, and that the object of their visit was to get 
something to eat. The plot was well conceived, and boldly 
executed ; but it was instantly detected by the eagle eye of 
the young commander, and he redoubled his exertions to put 
the fort in a proper state of defence. 

The premeditated attack, so craftily arranged, was made 
as expected. About eleven o'clock, Captain Taylor was 
awakened by the firing of one of his sentinels. He imme- 
diately ordered his men to their posts, and the firing became ge- 
neral on both sides. In the midst of the uproar, it was disco- 
vered that the Indians had set fire to the lower block-house. 
Without a moment's pause, Captain Taylor directed buckets 
to be brought, and the fire to be extinguished. But it was 
much easier to give the order than to have it executed. The 
men appeared to be paralyzed and stupified. The alarm of 
fire had thrown the garrison into the greatest confusion, in 
the midst of which all orders were unheard or disregarded 
Unfortunately, there was a great quantity of whisky among 
the contractor's stores deposited, in the block-house, which 



358 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



having caught fire, caused the flames to spread with great 
rapidity, and rage with irresistible fury. During this time 
the Indians were not idle, but kept up an incessant and 
rapid discharge of rifles against the picketing, accompanied 
by a concert of the most infernal yells that ever issued from 
the throat of man, beast, or devil. The fire soon ascended 
to the roof of the block-house, and threatened to wrap the 
whole fort in a sheet of flame. 

The men gave themselves up for lost, and ceased to pay 
any attention to the orders. Disorder was at its height, and 
the scene became terrific. The fire raged, and surged, and 
roared — the Indians howled and yelled — dogs barked — the 
wounded groaned ; and high above all, arose the shriek of 
woman in her terror, sending its keen and thrilling accents 
through the mingled sounds of battle — the surrounding 
forest, bathed in bloody light, returned a fiery glare, yet 
more appalling from the intense darkness of the night ; and 
all combined made up a time of awful terror, before which 
the stoutest heart quailed and quaked. In the midst of 
this pandemonium stood the youthful hero, like a living rock, 
firm and collected, rapid and decisive, at a single glance 
intuitively determining the order of defence, animating 
his comrades to confidence and constancy, and by the irre 
sistible force of example, imparted a spirit of determined 
and courageous perseverance even to the weaker sex. The 
roof of the block-house was thrown off; the other buildings 
?;ero kept wet, and by the greatest exertions the flames kept 
under. The opening made in the line of the defences by 
the burning of the block-house, was supplied by a temporary 
breastwork ; and after keeping up a constant fire until 
ibout six o'clock in the morning, the Indians retired 
The loss of the garrison, in this affair, was only one man 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 359 

killed, and two wounded. That of the Indians was very 
considerable. 

Captain Taylor, for this affair, was promoted to the 
rank of major by brevet. It was the first brevet conferred 
during the war : and never was similar reward more justly 
merited. Major Taylor continued actively engaged in va- 
rious deparments of service in the west, constantly extend- 
ing the sphere of his reputation and influence, until 1814, 
when he was placed temporarily at the head of the troops 
in Missouri, until the arrival of General Howard, the com- 
manding officer ; and was busily employed on that frontier 
till the month of August. 

In October, Major Taylor w T as called to St. Louis by the 
sudden death of General Howard ; and in November, accom- 
panied Colonel Russel several hundred miles up the Missouri, 
to relieve a small settlement much exposed to Indian depre- 
dations. In December he was transferred to Vincennes, and 
assumed the command of the troops in Indiana, where he 
remained until the termination of the war. A short time 
before the conclusion of peace, he had been promoted to a 
majority in the 26th regiment of infantry, and ordered to 
join the regiment at Plattsburg : but when the army was 
disbanded, he was retained on the peace establishment with 
only the rank of captain. Declining to come into this ar- 
rangement, he resigned his commission, and retired to his 
farm near Louisville. 

In 1816, he was reinstated in the army with his original 
rank, and placed in command of Fort Crawford, at the mouth 
of Fox river, which empties in Green Bay. He continued 
in the command of various posts in the west until the breaking 
out of the Black Hawk war, in 1832, when he was again 
called into active service. In 1832, he was promoted to the 



360 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

rank of colonel, and served under General Atkinson in his 
various campaigns against the Indians. It in scarcely ne- 
cessary to say, that in this service, he fully sustained his high 
military reputation. He commanded the regulars in the 
bloody and decisive battle of the Wisconsin, which resulted 
in the capture of Black Hawk and the Prophet, and the 
termination of the war. 

In 1836, Colonel Taylor was ordered to Florida, at that 
time th? scene of a bloody war between the United States 
and the Seminole and other tribes of southern Indians. This 
war, perhaps, was the most extraordinary in which the United 
States was ever engaged. It had been protracted from year 
to year at an immense expense of blood and treasure, unsig- 
nalized by any decided advantage ; and when Colonel Tay- 
lor was transferred to that theatre, there appeared no better 
prospect of its termination than at its first commencement. 
Our best and bravest officers had sunk under the hardships 
of a service in which no glory was to be won, and which pre- 
sented no inducement to skill or courage, but patriotism. In 
this vexatious and exhausting service, Colonel Taylor soon 
became distinguished for zeal, energy, activity, and indomi- 
table hardihood. The uniform policy of the Indians had been 
to avoid battle ; directing their operations against small de- 
tachments and isolated individuals, thus destroying our forces 
in detail, without incurring the hazard of a defeat. This 
plan of carrying on the war, Colonel Taylor resolved to ter- 
minate, and bring the Indians to a battle at all hazards. 

Fortune aided him, and he was successful. On the 23rd 
)f December, 1837, he brought the Indians to a general 
action at Okeechobee, and after a contest of about three 
hours routed them. The hostile forces suffered about 
equally in killed and wounded — but the Indians did not re- 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 361 

cover from the blow. Colonel Taylor's conduct in this battle 
was duly appreciated by the government. The Secretary 
of War, Mr. Poinsett, gave him the warmest commendation 
m his report to Congress ; and he was immediately pro- 
moted to the brevet rank of brigadier-general, with the chief 
command in Florida. His head-quarters were in the neigh- 
borhood of Tampa Bay. From this point, he directed the 
" war of movements," so difficult and discouraging to an 
ardent officer, until 1840, when he was relieved by General 
Armistead, who was now ordered to take the command in 
Florida. 

General Taylor was now ordered to the command of the 
southern department of the army, including the states^ of 
of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia, with his 
head-quarters at Fort Jessup, in Louisiana. His appoint- 
ment to this command led to his being subsequently placed 
at the head of the " Army of Occupation." 

It is foreign from this work to discuss the causes of the 
war with Mexico, in which General Taylor so remarkably 
distinguished himself. His connection with it was simply 
that of a military commander acting under authority, which 
it was his duty to respect. 

The army under General Taylor occupied a position at 
Corpus Christi, west of the Nueces, as early as August, 
1845, having been ordered to take a position between the 
river Nueces and the Rio Grande, and to repel any invasion 
of the Texan territory, which might be attempted by the 
Mexican forces. The army occupied this position from 
August, 1845, until the 11th of March, 1846, when it re- 
moved westward, and on the 20th of that month reached 
the Colorado, where some disposition to resist its progress 
being evinced by a Mexican force, the army was formed into 



362 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

line of battle. A road was then opened down the beach 
of the river ; and while it was in progress, the enemy was 
notified by General Taylor, that when it was completed he 
should cross the river and fire upon any one who appeared 
in arms to oppose his march. The artillery was placed so 
as to cover the ford, and the port-fires were lighted. Gene- 
ral Mejia, aid to the Mexican commander, now arrived with 
a letter to General Taylor, apprising him that if the Ame- 
rican army should cross the Colorado, it would be consi- 
dered a declaration of war, and would immediately be 
followed by actual hostilities. 

The crossing took place nevertheless ; and that too at a 
point where an excellent opportunity was presented of suc- 
cessfully resisting the advance of the Americans. On the 
22d, the army advanced across the prairie in the direction 
of Matamoras ; but General Taylor, hearing that the Mexi- 
cans held Point Isabel, halted on the 24th, and leaving the 
army under the command of General Worth, advanced to 
that place with the dragoons, occupied it, and received from 
steamboats, which arrived opportunely at the same time, a 
• juantity of supplies for the army. 

Passing by the spot where subsequently the battle of Re- 
saca de la Palma was fought, and which General Taylor 
did not fail to point out as a favorable position for a fight, 
the army arrived upon the east bank of the Rio Grande, 
opposite Matamoras, at noon of the 28th of March. Gene- 
ral Worth and his staff were now ordered to cross the river 
to Matamoras, bearing despatches from General Taylor 
to the commanding officer of the Mexicans and the civil 
authorities. They were met by a Mexican party, bearing 
a white flag, who landed on the eastern bank; and an in- 
terview with the authorities was requested by General Worth. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 368 

After some delay he was invited to cross the river. On 
reaching the right bank, he was met by General Vega and 
some officers. The reception of the despatches was declined. 
An interview with the American consul at Matamoras was 
demanded and refused, and General Worth returned. 

General Taylor now commenced throwing up intrench- 
ments, while the Mexicans were evincing decisive symptoms 
of hostility. Several attempts of American soldiers to de- 
sert were defeated by shooting the deserters. One was 
killed by a sentinel at a distance of two hundred yards, after 
swimming the river and commencing his ascent on the op 
posite bank. Some, however, succeeded, and were very 
hospitably received in Matamoras. 

Soon after, a proclamation issued by General Ampuclia, 
offering inducements to the troops of General Taylor to de- 
sert, fell into the hands of the American commander. The 
proclamation was ineffectual. 

On the 5th of April, a small intrenchment was raised for 
the reception of cannon expected from Point Isabel. The 
main intrenchment, Fort Brown, meantime, was in progress, 
under the direction of Captain Mansfield, of the engineers. 
It had six bastion fronts, and was capable of accommodating 
five regiments of infantry. 

On the 10th of April, Colonel Cross, the deputy quarter- 
master-general, was murdered by the Mexicans while taking 
a ride near the American camp. His body was not discovered 
till the 21st, and it is still somewhat doubtful by what 
particular party of the enemy he met his fate. 

On the 11th of April, General Ampudia arrived at Mata- 
moras ; and on the 12th, he sent a Hag with a communica« 
tion to General Taylor, requiring him to break up his camp 
and retire beyond the Nueces within twenty-four hours 



364 I tVES OF nu: PRESIDENTS. 

General Taylor replied, stating bis Instructions, and hi> 
determination to abide b\ them. The murder of Lieutenant 
Porter, immediately after this, tended to exasperate the A.me 
Several communications passed between General 
Taylor and the Mexioan general, Arista, who had now 
taken command of the arm\ at Matamm 

Point Isabel had been made the depol for military stoies 
for the Anuv o\' Occupation. The Mexioans had already 
crossed the Rio Grande, and intercepted the oommunioation 
en this post and Fort Brown, and General Taylor waa 
engaged in making preparations for re-opening the oommu- 
ideation between bhe two posts. Teams despatched from 
Fort Isabel to Fort Brown had been compelled to return, 
and Captain Walker, o\' the Texan Rangers, who went out 
on the 28th to reconnoitre, was driven baok to Fort Isabel, 
with the loss of some of his party, He reported baving en 
oountered a force oi' the enemy, whioh ho estimated at fifteen 

hundred. Notwithstanding this, he started on the 29th, 

with a message from Major Munroe to General Taylor, and 
after a series of "hair-breadth escapes Buooeeded in 
delivering it. 

Vt'ter reoeiving this message, General Taylor (Maj 1st, 

L846) took up his line o[' tuareh for Point Isabel, with the 

main body o( the anuv, leaving a regiment of infantrv and 
two companies o( artillery at Fort Brown, under the oom 

maud oi' Major Brown. The Mexicans, who had very pru 

dentlv refrained from attaoking the anuv while General 

Taylor was present, eomnieneed, on the 3d oi' May, a fUHOUS 
fire, on the small force left in Fort Brown, from a battel y 
Of SOYen guns. The lire was instantly returned with spirit, 

and the battery was silenoed in twentv minutes after tin 
Americans oommenced firing. Another attaok was cum 



a < -.ok. 365 

■ 

■ 
The firing s Foi B g heard by al Taylor, 

he 'J< rj intelli' 

i 
. 

On the morning 
tailed by a hea re th* 

had placed a 
night. A I ne time th 'fata 

I the gallant fellows in the intrenchn 

a speedy 
ed the fire 
on both sides, maintaining the unequal c perfect 

coolness, until the firing of the enenr 
ing of thi ijoi B own, in obediem which 

he had received from General 
pounders a Lgnal thai 

rounded. On the forenoon of the 6th, Ma oj Brown, the 
gallant commander of the fort, was morti 
shell from oneof the Mexican batteries. l\< 
in the commani tain Hawkins, who. at half past four 

o'clocl mmoned • ad, of c 

ed. The fir 1 or the 

of the 'lay. 
At. daylight - th, the firing red; but 

after sndd< ed. It was again r< eoj tinned 

The firing at Palo Alto, where General Tay- 
igaged with the Mexicans, was then hoard at Fort 
Brown, with what mixed emotions the reader may cot;' 
The Americans welcomed the sound with a tremendous 
The enemy recommenced the bombardment witk 



366 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

redoubled energy ; but the continuous and exulting shout 
of the Americans finally silenced the bombardment. A* 
sunset a Mexican deserter brought the news of the victory 
of Palo Alto ; and the wearied garrison felt that their 
labors and dangers were nearly closed. 

But General Taylor expressed his determination to marc 
from Point Isabel to Fort Brown, and to fight any force of 
the enemy that might oppose his progress. The following 
letter, from an eye-witness of his operations, gives a clear 
view of the battles of the 8th and 9th of May, 9 A the 
succeeding events. 

By the last departure I wrote to you briefly o r t,he opera 
tions of the army up to that time, of the bom ardment of 
the fort opposite Matamoras, and the moveme A of General 
Taylor with the main body to this place, for the purpose of 
strengthening its defences. Having effected this, he marched, 
without waiting for reinforcements, on the evening of the 
7th ; and on the 8th, at two o'clock, found the enemy in 
position, in front of a chapparal, which lies opposite to the 
timber of a stream called Palo Alto. 

The train was closed up, the troops filled their canteens. 
and General Taylor promptly formed his line of battery. 
The first and only important movement attempted by the 
enemy, was by a detachment of their cavalry to make a detour 
around a clump of chapparal on our right, and attack the 
train. Captain Walker, of the Texas Rangers, promptly 
reported this, and the 5th infantry was detached to meet 
it, which it did handsomely, receiving the lancers in square, 
anil driving them by a well-delivered volley. The cavalry 
then pushed on again for the train, and found the 3rd in- 
fantry advancing in column of divisions upon them. The} 
thm retired, and as they repassed the 5th, they received a 



ZACHAKY TAYLOR. 



36: 



fire from Lieutenant Ridgely's two pieces, which had ar- 
rived at the nick of time. Two field-pieces, which were 
following the enemv's cavalry, were also driven back with 
them. 

Meanwhile the enemy's left Avas riddled by the eighteen- 
pounders, which slowly advanced up the road — Duncan's 
battery on the left, neglecting the enemy's guns, threw 
their fire into the Mexican infantry, and swept whole ranks 
The 8th infantry on the left suffered severely from the 
enemy's fire. The grass was set on fire at the end of an 
hour's cannonading, and obscured the enemy's position 
completely, and an interval of three-quarters of an hour 
occurred. During this period our right, now resting on 
the eighteen-pounders, advanced along the wood, to the 
point originally occupied by the Mexican left, and when the 
smoke had cleared away sufficiently to show the enemy, the 
fire was resumed with increased rapidity and execution. 
Duncan divided his battery on the left, giving a section to 
Lieutenant Roland, to operate in front, and with the other 
he advanced beyond the burning grass, (which was three 
feet high, and the flames rolled ten feet in the strong breeze,) 
and seized the prolongation of the enemy's right, enfilading 
that flank completely. Night found the two armies in this 
position. 

On the 9th, the general packed the heavy train, collected 
the enemy's wounded in hospital, buried their dead, arranged 
our own wounded (among whom we have to regret the sudden 
death of Major Ringgold, and probably Captain Page,) and 
moved on in pursuit of the enemy on the Matamoras road. 
Thoy had taken post in the chapparal, the second time, oc 
cupyrng the bed of a stream called Resaca de la Palma, with 
•iieir artillery on the road at the crossing. The general 



368 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

brough, up his troops by battalions, and posted them, with 
brief orders to find the enemy with the bayonet, and placed 
the artillery where they could act in the road. 

The dragoons were held in reserve, and as soon as the 
advance of our line had uncovered the Mexican batteries, 
General Taylor told Captain May that his time had come ; 
"Here's the enemy's battery, sir, take it, nolens volens/ 
May dashed upon it with his squadron, and lost one-third of 
it ; but he cleared the battery and captured its commander, 
General Vega, in the act of raising a port-fire, to fire a piece 
himself. May took his sword, and brought the general off. 
The enemy remanned the guns, and lost them a second time 
to the 5th infantry. 

Captain Barbour, of the 2d infantry, with his single com- 
pany, and a few from the 5th, who joined him in the chap- 
paral, threw his back against a clump of bushes, and received 
and gallantly repelled a charge of cavalry. Captain Duncan, 
with his battery, did terrible execution. Lieutenant Ridgely 
was also amongst the foremost. In truth, it was a series of 
brilliant skirmishes, and heavy shocks, in which fifteen hun • 
dred fighting men met six thousand hand to hand — over- 
whelmed them with the precision of their volleys, and the 
steady coolness of the bayonet, and drove them from the field 
with the loss of their artillery, baggage, pack-mules, fixed 
ammunition, and near two thousand stand of muskets. 

Fort Brown, meantime, had been summoned, with true 
Mexican duplicity, and told that Taylor was flying. The 
Matamoras newspapers and official bulletins called him a cow- 
ardly tailor. In answer to the summons, the officers plunged 
their swords in the parapet, and replied " to the hilt." Up 
to the evening of the 9th, fifteen hundred shells and three 
thousand shot had boor, thrown, and the only loss was that 



I \i|I.\|;Y TAYLOR. .^O, 

of the brave commander, Major Brown, and one sergeant 
and one private killed, and eleven wounded. 

The general returns to the army to-night, and will cross 
the river to-morrow or next day. The fort will be increased 
in guns, and especially provided with mortars, which will 
bring the town to terms at once. The navy will co-operate 
at the mouth of the river, and steam-boats begin to carry 
supplies by that route. 

General Taylor has just given General Vega a letter to 
General Gaines, and a letter of credit on his factor. The 
officers here and in the main body vied with their com- 
mander in delicate attentions to a brave and accomplished 
enemy, who won their admiration on the field, and was taken 
like a soldier, in full harness, and fighting gallantly to the 
last. Our loss about thirty killed, and one hundred and 
forty wounded. 

Mexican loss at Palo Alto, set down by themselves at four 
hundred and fifty ; at Resaca de la Palma, two thousand 
missing. Since the battle, our dragoons have been exchanged 
grade* for grade ; and the Mexican wounded sent over to 
Matamoras. 

On the morning after the battle of Resaca de la Palma, 
General Taylor with his usual humanity, sent to Matamoras 
for Mexican surgeons to attend their wounded, and for men 
to bury their dead ; and the same day was occupied by the 
Americans in burying their dead. 

On the 11th of May, an exchange of prisoners took place ; 
and General Taylor started for Point Isabel, for the pur- 
pose <>f communicating with Commodore Conner, command- 
ing the American squadron in the Gulf of Mexico, and who 
sailed to Brazos Santiago, in order to render aid to the 
general. 



370 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



The 13th an 14th of May were spent by General Taylor 
m organizing and despatching a force to capture Barita, a 
town near the mouth of the Rio Grande, on the Mexican side, 
where the enemy was said to be concentrating the remains 
of his shattered and vanquished army. Commodore Conner 
ordered a part of his fleet to co-operate, and the place was 
quietly taken on the 15th, the inhabitants fleeing on the 
approach of the Americans. 

The next operation was the capture of Matamoras. 
Every thing was ready for an attack on the town, on the 
evening of the 16th. On the morning of the 18th, General 
Taylor commenced crossing the river. No resistance was 
offered by the Mexicans on the bank of the river, and it is 
said many of them assisted in landing the boats. Arista re- 
treated to Reynosa, where he encamped, waiting a rein- 
forcement from Parades. 

General Taylor although in possession of Matamoras. 
found himself in no condition to advance further into the 
enemy's country. He was deficient not only in troops, 
but in supplies and the means of transportation. It became 
necessary, therefore, for him to remain at this post through - 
the greater part of the summer, waiting for the necessary 
means of prosecuting the invasion. 

In the beginning of June, General Taylor's force did not 
exceed nine thousand men, including seven hundred and 
fifty stationed at Barita, and five hundred at Point Isabel. 
Reinforcements were coming in slowly from the different 
states of the union, and, although he was anticipating the 
arrival of a sufficient force to warrant his advance towards 
Monterey, where the enemy was concentrating his forces, 
neither men nor steam-boats had yet arrived sufficient to en- 
able him even to fix the time of his departure. By the mi- 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 371 

litary arrangements which followed the re-organization of the 
government, General Arevalo was sent to Monterey, and 
Bravo to Mexico, while Mejia was placed in the command 
of the northern army, and Ampudia was ordered to San Luis 
Potosi. Monterey, being considered the most probable scene 
of General Taylor's operations, was strongly fortified and 
furnished with provisions and munitions of war. Before the 
end of June, General Taylor was strongly reinforced by the 
arrival of numerous bodies of fresh volunteers from various 
parts of the union ; but his means of transportation were still 
deficient. 

In the meantime Captain McCulloch, with the Texan 
rangers, had seized and occupied the Mexican ports of Rey- 
nosa, Camargo. and Mier, without resistance on the part of 
the enemy. It was not until the 5th of August, nearly three 
months after the battle of Resaca de la Palma, that General 
Taylor was able to take up his line of March from Mata- 
moras to Camargo. On arriving at that place, General 
Worth was detached to San Juan, while Captain Wall oc- 
cupied Reynosa, and General Twiggs had been left in com- 
mand of Matamoras. Towards the end of August, General 
Worth was ordered to advance to Seralvo, and there to 
await further orders. From this port he sent advices to 
General Taylor on the 5th of September, that Monterey had 
just been reinforced by the arrival of three thousand men 
under General Ampudia, thus increasing the garrison to four 
thousand. This important information determined General 
Taylor to advance immediately and attack Monterey. He 
accordingly took up his march towards Seralvo on the 7th. 
leaving General Patterson in command of all the forces sta- 
tioned between Camargo and Matamoras On his arrival 
at Seralvo, instead of waiting for further reinforcements oi 



372 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

fresh orders before attacking so formidable a fort with sc 
light a force, he pushed forward for Monterey with his main 
body, consisting of but little more than six thousand men. 
On the morning of the 19th of September, the army encamped 
at the "Walnut Springs," within three miles of the city of 
Monterey. Here they could survey the prospect before 
them — Monterey seated in a beautiful valley, bosomed among 
lofty and imposing mountains on the north, west and south, 
and open to a plain on the east, fortified with thick stone 
walls in the old Spanish fashion of another century, with all 
the apparatus of ditches and bastions, and lowering upon 
them, with deep mouthed cannon. From their elevated po- 
sition the Americans could see in part what they had already 
learned from spies and deserters, that the flat-roofed stone 
houses of the city itself, had been converted into fortifications. 
Every street was barricaded, and every housetop was bris- 
tling with musketry. On one side the Americans could see 
the Bishop's palace, a strong post, well fortified ; on the other, 
redoubts well manned; and in the rear of all, a river. Such 
was the city which was destined after three days of desperate 
fighting, to surrender its garrison of ten thousand men, its 
castles, redoubts, cannon, and munitions of war, to an Ame- 
rican army of seven thousand men, inspirited by the guiding 
genius of Taylor. 

After reconnoitering the defences of the city, General Tay- 
lor detached General Worth to gain a position on the Saltillo 
road ; and the next day, the 21st of September, while Worth 
advanced and gained a good situation, the commander-in- 
chief pushed the attack vigorously against the centre and 
left of the tow r n. The firing on both sides was tremenduous 
The assailants displayed the greatest valor. By the evening 
General Taylor had obtained a foot-hold in the town. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. ?>78 

The 22d passed without any operations in the lower part of 
the city. The Mexicans gradually withdrew from that por- 
tion. On the same day, Worth attacked and carried the 
Bishop's Palace and the adjacent batteries. On the 23d, both 
divisions pressed to the attack, and the gallant Worth, over- 
coming the greatest obstacles advanced far into the town. 
The next morning, propositions were made for a capitulation, 
which was at length arranged. Monterey and the material of 
war, with certain small exceptions were placed in the hands of 
the Americans. Ampudia and his force were allowed to retire. 
The entire loss of the assailants was one hundred and twenty 
men killed, and three hundred and sixty-eight men wounded. 
The Mexican loss was supposed to be much greater. 

The achievement was glorious, and the gallant commander 
and his troops deserved the applause they received from 
their countrymen. We doubt whether such a fortress was 
ever before taken with such means as those at the command 
of General Taylor. 

After establishing his head-quarters at Monterey, General 
Taylor detached Brigadier-General Worth with twelve hun- 
dred men and eight pieces of artillery to Saltillo ; Brigadier- 
General Wool and the column under his command, two thous- 
and four hundred strong, with six pieces of artillery, w ere 
ordered to occupy the town of Parras. Saltillo and Parras 
were occupied by the Americans without any opposition, the 
enemy having fallen back as far as San Luis Potosi. Santa 
Anna had now been recalled to Mexico, and placed at the 
head of affairs, and Parades deposed. Santa Anna was no- 
minally commander-in-chief of the. Mexican armies, really 
dictator. He was raising a formidable army to resist the 
further advance of General Taylor. Before December, he 
bad succeeded in raising twenty thousand men, and concen- 



374 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 



trating them at San Luis Potosi, which he strongly fortified, 
and filled with military stores. After awaiting the advance 
of this formidable force for some time, General Taylor 
determined to meet them on their own ground. 

General Taylor was now superseded in the chief command 
of the Army of Occupation, by Major-General Winfield 
Scott, who was appointed commander-in-chief of all the land 
forces in Mexico, and at the various posts on the Rio Grande 
The theatre of Scott's operations was different from that of 
Taylor's. His main object was the reduction of the city of 
Vera Cruz, and the fort of San Juan de Ulloa, by a combined 
land and sea force. Vera Cruz being the key of the main 
road to the capital, General Scott thought that its reduction 
would compel the Mexicans to sue for peace. To effect this 
object it became necessary for him to draw from General 
Taylor the main body of his regular forces. 

Not only were nearly all the regulars withdrawn from him 
but his noble coadjutor General Worth was detached and 
ordered to march at the head of them from his post at Sal- 
tillo towards Vera Cruz, while Taylor was advised to fall 
back on Monterey and await the arrival of fresh recruits, 
volunteers who were destined to take the place of the vete- 
ran warriors of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and Monterey. 
His address to these veterans was full of sensibility. 

On reaching Monterey, his regular force was six hundred, 
including May's dragoons. In February, he had received 
reinforcements raising his army to nearly six thousand men. 
Anticipating an attempt on the part of Santa Anna, to 
possess himself of the line of posts between himself and 
Matainoras, he determined to advance and fight a pitched 
battle with him. Accordingly, on the 20th of February, we 
find him encamped at Agua Nueva, eighteen miles south of 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 375 

Saltillo, and sending out videttes, who return with intelligence 
that Santa Anna is within thirty miles of his position, rapidly 
advancing with some twenty thousand men against his forlorn 
hope of five thousand four hundred. 

On receiving this intelligence, General Taylor determined 
to choose his own battle ground, and accordingly fell back 
to an admirable position in front of Buena Vista, seven miles 
south of Saltillo. The following extracts, from the dispatch 
of the commander himself, will give the best general view of 
the battle. 

The army broke up its camp, and marched at noon on the 
21st, encamping at the new position a little in front of the 
hacienda of Buena Vista. With a small force I proceeded 
to Saltillo, to make some necessary arrangements for the 
defence of the town, leaving Brigadier-General Wool in the 
immediate command of the troops. Before these arrange- 
ments were completed, on the morning of the 22d, I was 
-idvised that the enemy was in sight, advancing. Upon 
reaching the ground, it was found that his cavalry advance 
was in our front, having marched from Encarnacion, as we 
have since learned, at eleven o'clock on the day previous, 
and driving in a mounted force left at Agua Nueva to cover 
the removal of the public stores. Our troops were in posi- 
tion, occupying a line of remarkable strength. The fea- 
tures of the ground were such as nearly to paralyze the ar- 
tillery and cavalry of the enemy, while his infantry could 
not derive all the advantages of its numerical superiority. 
In this position we prepared to receive him. 

At eleven o'clock I received from General Santa Anna a 
summons to surrender at discretion, which, with a copy of 
my reply, I have already transmitted. The enemy still fore- 
bore his attack, evidently waiting for the arrival of his rear 



376 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS 



columns, which could be distinctly seen bj our look-outs as 
they approached the field. A demonstration made on his 
left causei me to detach the 2d Kentucky regiment and a 
section of artillery to our right, in which position they bivou- 
acked for the night. . In the mean time the Mexican light 
troops had engaged ours on the extreme left (composed of 
parts of the Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry dismounted, 
and a rifle battalion from the Indiana brigade, under Major 
Gorman, the whole commanded by Colonel Marshall,) and 
kept up a sharp fire, climbing the mountain side, and appa- 
rently endeavoring to gain our flank. Three piece of Cap- 
tain Washington's battery had been detached to the left, and 
were supported by the 2d Indiana regiment. An occasional 
si i ell was thrown by the enemy into this part of our line, but 
without effect. 

The skirmishing of the light troops was kept up with 
trifling loss on our part until dark, when I became convinced 
that no serious attack would be made before the morning, 
and returned, with the Mississippi regiment and squadron 
of 2d dragoons, to Saltillo. The troops bivouacked without 
fires, and laid upon their arms. A body of cavalry, some 
fifteen hundred strong, had been visible all day in rear of 
the town, having entered the valley through a narrow pas? 
east of the city. This cavalry, commanded by General 
Minon, had evidently been thrown in our rear to break up 
and harass our retreat, and perhaps make some attempt 
against the town, if practicable. Having made dispositions 
for the protection of the rear, I proceeded on the morning 
of the 23d to Buena Vista, ordering forward all the other 
available troops. The action had commenced before mj 
arrival on the field. During the evening and night of the 
22d, the enemv had thrown a body of light troops on the 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 377 

mountain side with the purpose of outflanking our left ; and 
it was here that the action of the 23d commenced at an 
early hour. Our riflemen, under Colonel Marshall, who 
had been reinforced by three companies under Major Trail. 
2d Illinois volunteers, maintained their ground handsomely 
against a greatly superior force, holding themselves under 
cover, and using their weapons with deadly effect. About 
eight o'clock a strong demonstration was made against the 
centre of our position, a heavy column moving along the road. 
This force was soon dispersed by a few rapid and well-directed 
shots from Captain Washington's battery. In the mean time 
the enemy was concentrating a large force of infantry and 
cavalry under cover of the ridges, with the obvious intention 
of forcing our left, which was posted on an extensive plateau. 
The 2d Indiana and 2d Illinois regiments formed this part 
of our line, the former covering three pieces of light artillery, 
under the orders of Captain O'Brien — Brigadier-General 
Lane being in the immediate .command. Captain O'Brien 
found it impossible to retain his position without support, but 
was only able to withdraw two of his pieces, all the horses 
and cannoneers of the third piece being killed or disabled. 
Colonel Bissell's ~egiment, 2d Illinois, which had been 
joined by a section or Captain Sherman's battery, had be- 
come completely outflanked, and was compelled to fall back. 
being entirely unsupported. The enemy was now pouring 
masses of infantry and cavalry along the base of the mountain 
on our left, and was gaining our rear in great force. 

At this moment I arrived upon the field. The Mississippi 
regiment had been directed to the left before reaching the 
position, and immediately came into action against the 
Mexican infantry which had turned our flank. Discovering 
that the enemy was heavily pressing upon the Mississippi 



378 I IVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

regiment, tue 3d Indiana regiment, under Colonel Lane, 
was despatched to strengthen that part of our line, which 
formed a crotchet perpendicular to the first line of battle. 
At the same time, Lieutenant Kilburn, with a piece of 
Captain Bragg's battery, was directed to support the infantry 
there engaged. The action was for a long time warmly 
sustained at that point — the enemy making several efforts 
both with infantry and cavalry against our line, and being 
always repulsed with heavy loss. I had placed all the 
regular cavalry and Captain Pike's squadron of Arkansas 
horse under the orders of Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel May, 
with directions to hold in check the enemy's column, still 
advancing to the rear along the base of the mountain, which 
was done in conjunction with the Kentucky and Arkansas 
cavalry, under Colonels Marshall and Yell. In the mear. 
time our left, which was strongly threatened by a superior 
force, was farther strengthened by the detachment of Cap- 
tain Bragg's, and a portion of Captain Sherman's batteries 
to that quarter. The squadron of the 1st dragoons, under 
Lieutenant Rucker, w r as now ordered up the deep ravine 
which these corps were endeavoring to cross, in order to 
charge and disperse them. The squadron proceeded to the 
point indicated, but could not accomplish the object, being 
exposed to a heavy fire from a battery established to cover 
the retreat of those corps. 

While the squadron w r as detached on this service, a large 
body of the enemy was observed to concentrate on our ex- 
treme left, apparently with the view of making a descent 
upon the hacienda of Buena Vista, where our train and bag- 
gage were deposited. Lieutenant-Colonel May was ordered 
to the support of that point, with two pieces of Captain 
Sherman's battery, under Lieutenant Reynolds. In the mean 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 379 

time, the scattered forces near the hacienda, composed in 
part of Majors Trail and Gorman's commands, had been 
to some extent organized under the advice of Major Monroe, 
chief of artillery, with the assistance of Major Morrison 
volunteer staff, and were posted to defend the position. Before 
our cavalry had reached the hacienda, that of the enemy had 
made its attack ; having been handsomely met by the Ken- 
tucky and Arkansas cavalry under Colonels Marsha.? and 
Yell. 

The position of that portion of the Mexican army which 
had gained our rear was now very critical, and it seemed 
doubtful whether it could regain the main body. At this 
moment I received from General Santa Anna a message by 
a staif officer, desiring to know what I wanted ? I imuiedi 
ately despatched Brigadier-General Wool to the Mexican 
general-in-chief, and sent orders to cease firing. Upon 
reaching the Mexican lines General Wool could not cause the 
enemy to cease their fire, and accordingly returned without 
having an interview. The extreme right of the enemy con- 
tinued its retreat along the base of the mountain, and finally, 
in spite of our efforts, effected a junction Avith the remainder 
of the army. 

During the day, the cavalry of General Minon had ascended 
the elevated plain above Saltillo, and occupied the road from 
the city to the field of battle, where they intercepted several 
of our men. Approaching the town, they were fired upon 
by Captain Webster from the redoubt occupied by his com- 
pany. The enemy made one or two efforts to charge the ar 
tillery, but was finally driven back in a confused mass, and 
did not again appear upon the plain. In the mean time, the 
firing had ceased upon the principal field. The enemy 
seemed to confine his efforts to the protection of his artillery 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

and I had left the plateau for a moment, when I was recalled 
thither bv a very heavy musketry fire. On retraining that 
position, I discovered that our infantry (Illinois and 2d Ken- 
tucky) had engaged a greatly superior force of the enemy — 
evidently his reserve — and that they had been overwhelmed 
by numbers. The moment was most critical. Captain O'Brien 
with two pieces, had sustained this heavy charge to the last. 
and was finally obi s leave his guns on the field — his 

infantry support being entirely routed. Captain Bragg, who 
had just arrived from the left, was ordered at once into bat- 
tery. Without any infantry to support him. and at the im- 
minent risk of losing his guns, this officer came rapidly into 
action, the Mexican line being but a few yards from the 
muzzle of his pieces. The first discharge of canister caused 
the enemy to hesitate, the second and third drove him back 
in disorder, and saved the day. The 2d Kentucky regiment, 
which had advanced beyond supporting distance in this affair, 
was driven back and closely pressed by the enemy's cavalry. 
Taking a ravine which led in the direction of Captain Wash- 
ington's battery, their pursuers became exposed to his fire, 
which soon checked and drove them back with loss. In the 
mean time the rest of our artillery had taken position on the 
plateau, covered by the Mississippi and 3d Indiana regiments, 
the former of which had reached the ground in time to pour 
a fire into the right flank of the enemy, and thus contribute 
to his repulse. In this last conflict we had the misfortune 
stain a very heavy loss. Colonel Hardin. 1st Illinois, 
and Colonel McKee and Lieutenant-Colonel Clay. 2d Ken- 
tucky regiment, fell at this time while gallantly leading their 
nmands. 

farther attempt was made by the enemy to force our 
position, and the approach of night gave an opportunity tc 



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Sqz lives of the presidents. 

The battle of Buena Vista will stand as an evidence of 
the great military qualities of the American general. The 
field was skilfully chosen, and all the efforts of a vastly 
superior enemy was met with a wise and determined resist- 
ance. General Taylor performed no further remarkable 
service during the war. Upon his return to the United 
Slates, he was received with every demonstration of gratitude 
and admiration. Although he retired to his plantation on 
the Mississippi, his countrymen were determined that there 
he should not be permitted to rest. Before the general had 
left Mexico, he had been nominated for the Presidency in 
various sections of the union, and a disposition was now 
manifested to bring him forward as the candidate of the 
national whig party. The general had meddled little with 
politics. He declared himself " a whig, but not an ultra 
whig." Violent partizans found no favor with him. His 
opinions were those of the Jefferson stamp, while he ex- 
pressed his ardent admiration for the policy of Washington. 
lie objected to the frequent exercise of the veto power by 
the President — believing such a course detrimental to liberty, 
and antagonistic to the design of the framers of the consti- 
■ ; i . It was understood that his views in regard to the 
revenue and internal improvements agreed with those of the 
! rading whig statesmen. 

In June, 1848, the national convention of the whigs met 
in Philadelphia. Upon the third ballot, General Taylor 
received a majority of votes, and was, therefore, declared 
the nominee for President. Millard Fillmore, of New York, 
was placed upon the same ticket as a candidate for the Vice 
Presidency. General Taylor accepted the nomination with 
a diffidence that evinced how little he had sought for it 
The canvass was an exciting one. General Lewis Cass, of 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 



383 



Michigan, and General William 0. Butler, of Kentucky, 
were the candidates of the democratic party ; while Martin 
Van Buren, of New York, and Charles Francis Adams, of 
Massachusetts, were the candidates of a new organization, 
called "the free soil party," which was opposed to the ex- 
tension of slavery. The result of the election thus appeared 
in the electoral college : For Zachary Taylor, one hundred 
and eighty-five ; for Lewis Cass, one hundred and sixty ; 
for Milkrd Fillmore, one hundred and eighty-five ; for Wil 
liam 0. Butler, one hundred and sixty. Messrs. Taylor and 
Fillmore were thus elected. 

The progress of the President elect from his residence in 
Louisiana to Washington, in February, 1849, was a con- 
tinued triumph. In all the towns through which he passed, 
he was greeted with gorgeous processions and the most en- 
thusiastic acclamations. The old warrior was rewarded for 
all his hard service upon the frontier, in the swamps of 
Florida, and in the hot fields of Mexico. On the 4th of 
March, the ceremony of inauguration was performed, amid 
a vast assemblage of citizens, from all parts of the union. 
General Taylor's address was brief, but eloquent, and all 
that the occasion demanded. He expressed his intention 
of making honesty, capacity, and fidelity, the qualifications 
for office, and of guiding his administration by the bright 
example of Washington. 

The following eminent whigs were chosen to form the 
cabinet : John M. Clayton, of Delaware, Secretary of State ; 
William M. Meredith, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the 
Treasury ; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, Secretary of the Inte- 
rior ; George W. Crawford, of Georgia, Secretary of War ; 
William B. Preston, of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy ; 
Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, Attorney General ; JacoL 



384 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Oollainer, of Vermont, Postmaster General. The office of 
Secretary of the Home Department, or of the Interior, had 
been created at the previous session of Congress. It waa 
designed to relieve the state and treasury department of a 
portion of their onerous duties. 

Of the events of General Taylor's administration, we may 
speak, but not judge. They have passed too recently to 
allow the cool settlement of an opinion of them. In Congress, 
the opposition had a decided majority. Howell Cobb, de- 
mocrat, was elected speaker of the house, at the second 
session of Congress, after General Taylor's inauguration, 
but not until after a struggle of six weeks' duration, pro- 
duced by the question of slavery in the territories causing 
a division in the democratic ranks. Great excitement per- 
vaded the country. California had applied for admission 
into the union, but this was opposed by southern members 
of Congress. Texas laid claim to a portion of the territory 
of New Mexico, and threatened to take forcible possession. 
It was proposed to give Utah and New Mexico territorial 
governments, but the question of the prohibition of slavery 
interfered. The President was understood to be in favor 
of the admission of California independent of other mea- 
sures, and of leaving the question of slavery or no slavery in 
the territories to the people concerned. But Messrs. Foote, 
Bell, and Clay, in the senate, proposed a series of compro- 
mise measures, which they contended would settle the diffi- 
culty. A select committee of thirteen senators, of which 
Henry Clay was chairman, reported these measures com- 
bine'd in what was called an " omnibus bill." This bill 
caused a lengthy and exciting discussion in Congress, the 
best talent of the country being called into the arena of 
debate. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 385 

Preparation being made in southern ports to set on foot 
an expedition to revolutionize the Island of Cuba, in the 
summer of 1850, President Taylor issued a proclamation, 
expressing his determination to uphold and vindicate the 
neutral laws of the United States. The expedition, under 
General Narciso Lopez, however, sailed, and troops were 
landed at Cardenas. After a day's fighting, which proved 
that the invaders had few friends on the island, they re- 
embarkea and returned to the United States. The course 
of the president, in regard to this expedition, was generally 
approved. 

The discussion upon the compromise measure was at its 
height; The storms of sectional hostility threatened the 
union, when suddenly the pilot was stricken down while at 
the helm. On the 4th of July, 1850, President Taylor at- 
tended the ceremony of laying the corner stone of the na- 
tional monument to Washington. It is believed that the 
exposure to a heat of unusual intensity caused a malady, 
which about half-past ten o'clock, on the night of the 9th 
of July, terminated his eventful and honorable life. His 
last words indicated his character : " I am not afraid to die. 
I am ready; I have endeavored to do my duty," said the 
dying patriot. 

The mournful announcement of the death of the chief 
magistrate caused universal sorrow. Those who had opposed 
the policy of his administration were now forward in doing 
honor to the great and good qualities of the deceased. 
Throughout the land the sounds of woe and lamentation were 
f .o be heard. Both houses of Congress had adjourned when 
it was reported that the President was not expected to live 
above a few hours. When they assembled the next day, and 
the tidings was officially communicated to them, impressive 



886 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

eulogies were delivered by members from various states. In 
the senate, Mr. Webster and other distinguished orators 
eulogized the deceased. 

In the house, among several eloquent eulogies, those of 
Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, and of Humphrey 
Marshall, of Kentucky, were particularly noted as giving 
the true idea of the character of General Taylor, and of the 
affliction of the nation at his loss. "Great, without pride;" 
said Mr. Marshall, " cautious, without fear ; brave, without 
rashness ; stern, without harshness ; modest, without bash- 
fulness ; apt, without flippancy ; intelligent, without the 
pedantry of learning ; sagacious, without cunning ; benevo 
lent, without ostentation ; sincere and honest as the sun, 
the ' noble old Roman' has at last laid down his earthly har- 
ness — his task is done. He has fallen as falls the summer- 
tree in the bloom of its honors, ere the blight of autumn has 
seared a leaf that adorns it." A committee from both 
houses was appointed to make the necessary arrangements 
for the funeral. The obsequities were solemnized with great 
magnificence, and were worthy of a nation's sorrow. The 
funeral procession was long and splendid. An eloquent 
Bermon was delivered by the Rev. Smith Pyne, and the ser- 
vice of the Episcopal Church was performed. All the pro- 
ceedings were impressive and worthy of their illustrious 
subject. 

On the 17th of July, the senate adopted a resolution 
proposed by Mr. Webster, to erect a neat monument to the 
memory of General Taylor. The house concurred in this 
measure. 

President Taylor left a widow and two daughters — both 
married. His fortune was never extensive, but he left 
sufficient property to render bis widow independent. 



sm 



*% 



*&&a t®m> 







MILLARD FILLMORE. 

The life of Millard Fillmore is full of bright lessons. Nc 
more foreible illustration of the power of energy and intel- 
lect over obstructing cirrumstances — " low birth and iron 
fortune" — can be found. To every young American it. 
speaks, teaching resolution and perseverance. 

His father, Nathaniel Fill more, was the son of one of 1 ike 
name, who served in the French war, and was a true whig 
of the revolution, proving his devotion to his country's cause 
by gallantly fighting as lieutenant under General Stark, in 
the battle of Bennington. He was born at Bennington, 
Vermont, in 1771, and early in life removed to what is now 
called Summec Hill, Cayuga county, New York, where Mil- 
lard was born, January 7th, 1800. He was a farmer, and 
soon after lost all of his property by a bad title to one of the 
military lots he had purchased. About the year 1802, he 
removed to the town of Sempronius, now Niles, and lived 
there till 1819, when he removed to Erie county, where he 
cultivated a small farm with his own hands. He was a 
strong and uniform supporter of Jefferson, Madison, 
and Tompkins, and was a thorough whig. 

The narrow means of his father, deprived Millard o f a ny 
advantages of education beyond what were afforded by the 

387 



888 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

imperfect and ill-taught schools of the county. Books were 
scarce and dear, and at the age of fifteen, young Fillmore 
had read but little except his common school books and the 
Bible. At that period he was sent to the then wilds of Liv- 
ingston county, to learn- the clothier trade. He remained 
there about four months, and was then placed with another 
person, to pursue the same business and wool carding, in the 
town where his father lived. A small village library, which 
was formed there soon after, gave him the first means of 
acquiring general knowledge through books. He improved 
the opportunity thus offered. The thirst for knowledge soon 
became insatiate, and every leisure moment was spent in 
reading. Four years were passed in this way, working at 
his trade, and storing his mind with the contents of books 
of history, biography, and travels. At the age of nineteen 
he fortunately made the acquaintance with Walter Wood, 
Esq., who advised him to quit his trade and study law. In 
reply to the objection of a lack of education, means, and 
friends, to aid him in a course of professional study, Judge 
Wood kindly offered to give him a place in his office, to ad- 
vance money to defray his expenses, and wait until success 
in business should furnish the means of re-payment. The 
offer was accepted. The apprentice bought his time ; en- 
tered the office of Judge Wood, and for more than two yeara 
applied himself closely to business and study. He read law 
and general literature, and studied and practised surveying. 
Fearing he should incur too large a debt to his benefactor, 
he taught school for three months in the year, and acquired 
the means of partially supporting himself. In the fall of 
1821, he removed to the county of Erie, and the next spring 
entered a law office in Buffalo. There he sustained himself 
by toaching school, and continued his legal studies until the 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 389 

spring of 1823, whew he was admitted to tho Common Pleas, 
and commenced practice in the village of Aurora, where he 
remained until 1830, when he again removed to Buffalo, and 
has continued to reside there ever since. 

His first entry into public life was in January, 1820, when 
he took his seat as a member of the legislature, from Erie 
county, to which office he was re-elected the two following 
years. His talents, integrity, and assiduous devotion to 
public business, soon won him the confidence of the house. 
The most important measure that came up during his service 
in the legislature, was the bill to abolish imprisonment for 
debt. In behalf of that philanthropic measure, Mr. Fillmore 
took an active part, urging its justice and expediency, and 
as a member of the committee on the subject, aiding to per- 
fect its details. That portion of the bill relating to justices' 
courts was drafted by him, the remainder being the work 
of the Hon. John C. Spencer. 

He was elected to Congress in 1832, and took his seat in 
the stormy session of 1833-34, immediately after the remo- 
val of the deposits. In those days, the business of the house 
and debates were led by old and experienced members — new 
ones, unless they enjoyed a widespread reputation, rarely took 
an active part. Little chance was afforded him of display 
ing his abilities, but the school was one admirably qualified 
to develop and cultivate his powers. He discharged his duty 
with scrupulous fidelity, never omitting any effort to advance 
the interest of his constituents. At the close of his term of 
service, he resumed the practice of his profession, until, 
yielding to the public voice, he was re-elected to Congress, 
in 1836. In that Congress, Mr. Fillmore took a more ac- 
tive part than he had during his first term, and at the 
next contest he was re-elected by an increased majority. 



390 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

On the assembling of the next Congress, to which Mr. 
Fillmore was re-elected by the largest majority ever given 
in his district, he was placed at the head of the committee 
on ways and means. The chairman of this important com- 
mittee is virtually the leader of the house. The duties of 
that responsible station, always arduous, were at this period 
peculiarily so. A new administration, with an entire new 
domestic policy had come into power. To replenish the 
treasury, to provide means that would enable the government 
to meet the demands against it, to pay off the debt, to revive 
trade and industry — these onerous tasks devolved upon the 
committee of ways and means. With an energy and devo- 
tion to the public weal, truly admirable, Mr. Fillmore applied 
himself to the work, and, sustained by a majority, succeeded 
in accomplishing his aims. He was an ardent and perse- 
vering advocate of the protective tariff policy, and his views 
generally coincided with those of the whig champion, Henry 
Clay. After his long and severe labors in the committee 
room — labors sufficiently arduous to break down any but an 
iron constitution — he was required to give his unremitting 
attention to the house, to make any explanation that might 
be asked, and be ready with a complete refutation of every 
cavil or objection that the minority might devise. For the 
proper performance of these duties, few men are more 
properly qualified than Mr. Fillmore. 

In 1844, Mr. Fillmore was selected as the whig candidate 
for governor of New York. The able and popular Silas 
Wright was his opponent. Wright was elected. Confident, 
however, that Mr. Fillmore could command a great vote in 
New York, the whigs nominated him for the responsible office 
of Comptroller, in 1847, and succeeded in electing him by an 
unprecedented majority. 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 391 

In June, 1848, the national whig convention to nominate 
candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency was held 
in Philadelphia. General Zachary Taylor was nominated 
for the first office, and Millard Fillmore for the second. 
The canvass was most exciting. The result was a triumph 
for General Taylor and Mr. Fillmore. 

Entering on the duties of his office on the 4th of March, 
1849, Mr. Fillmore presided over the senate of the United 
States, with a dignity and ability worthy of an experienced 
parliamentarian, until the death of General Taylor, on the 
9tjh of July 1850, when, according to the provision of the 
constitution, he became President of the United States. 

Immediately after the accession of Mr. Fillmore, all the 
members of the cabinet of General Taylor tendered their 
resignations. It was understood that they differed with the 
new President upon important public measures. A new cabi- 
net was not organized without unusual difficulty. At length 
the ministry was completed as follows : Darnel Webster, of 
Massachusetts, Secretary of State ; Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, 
Secretary of the Treasury ; Alexander H. H. Stuart, of 
Virginia, Secretary of the Interior ; Charles C. Conrad, of 
Louisiana, Secretary of War; William II. Graham, of North 
Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; John J. Crittenden, of 
Kentucky, Attorney General; Nathan K. Hall, of New 
York, Postmaster General. 

As the opposition had a majority in both houses of Con- 
gress, it was not expected that the administration could carry 
through any of the measures which the whigs maintained to 
be just and wise. The passage of the compromise measures, 
settling, as supposed, the question of slavery, had the effect 
to lull the public mind into its usual calm and steady move- 
ments. Another expedition with the object of securing the 



392 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

independence of the Island of Cuba, called forth a proclama 
tion from President Fillmore, declaring that all violations of 
the neutra laws of the United States should be punished and 
that all those who embarked in such expeditions should place 
themselves beyond the protection of the laws of the country. 
The armament, under General Lopez, sailed, however, a/id 
landing in Cuba, the troops fought several battles. But they 
were finally defeated and dispersed. General Lopez waa 
garotted — Colonel Crittenden and fifty-two men were shot, 
and more than a hundred were sent to Spain, where they 
were reprimanded and liberated. 

It is agreed that Mr. Fillmore filled his high station 
with honor. His opponents admitted his patriotism, in- 
tegrity, and energy. He could look back upon his career, 
with feelings of pride and self-approval — like those of a 
person, who has, almost unaided, climbed to the peak of a 
lofty and rugged mountain. He was a true representative 
of the American character — with all its simplicity, in- 
dustry, and aspirations. While he held the office of 
President, one of his daughters might have been found 
teaching a public school in New York. About such a 
President, there could be no tinsel, nor monarchical re- 
serve. He was worthy to be the servant of a people 
who look to institutions, not to men, for happiness and 
prosperity. 

In person, Mr. Fillmore was rather above the middle 
height, and strongly built. Though still young, compared 
with the statesmen who surrounded him, his hair was 
gray, and his general appearance venerable. The ex- 
pression of his countenance was cheerful, benevolent, 
and intelligent. His bearing was dignified and courte- 
ous. He visited Europe in 1855, and again in 1866; 
and died at Buffalo on the 8th of March, 1874. 



FRANKLIN PIERCE. 

TnE baffling of wire-working politicians, and the selec- 
tion of meritorious but unpretending persons as candidates 
for the highest offices in the gift of the nation, are com- 
mon features in the actions of recent nominating conven- 
tions. The laurel always confers most honor when it is 
deserved and yet unsought. There is something so noble 
about modest merit that even conventions made up of noisy, 
trading politicians are compelled to yield its tribute of re- 
spect. The national convention that nominated Fianklin 
Pierce for the Presidency of the United States illustrated 
this remark. 

Franklin Pierce was born aL Hillsborough, New Hamp- 
Btiire, on th-3 23d of November, 1804. His father, General 
Benjamin Pierce, was a distinguished patriot and soldier of 
the revolution, and afterwards governor of New Hampshire. 
Franklin was the sixth of eight children. During the war 
of 1812, the father and brothers of the subject of this me- 
moir were thoroughly imbued with the military spirit, and 
strenuous supporters of the Madison democratic party. 
From them Franklin gained his first lessons in democracy 
and patriotism. 

General Benjamin Pierce, having all his life felt the dis- 

393 



394 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

advantages of a defective education, resolved to give Ins 
son every chance of improving his mind and acquiring 
knowledge. Franklin was sent to an academy at Hancock, 
and afterwards to that of Francestown, where he was re- 
ceived into the family of Peter Woodbury, father of the late 
distinguished Judge Woodbury. He was not a precocious 
child, and was rather remarkable for generosity of disposition 
than extraordinary talent. 

In the year of 1820, at the age of sixteen, Franklin 
entered Bowdoin College, at Brunswick, Maine. Among 
his class-mates was the present Professor Calvin E. Stowe ; 
and in the College, at the same time, were Nathaniel Haw- 
thorne, the distinguished writer of romance, and John P. 
Hale, of oratorical fame. During one of his winter vaca- 
tions, young Pierce taught a country school, which was in 
want of a teacher, and yet could not pay a sufficient salary. 
This was highly honorable in the collegian. His class- 
mates now living, remember him as a generous friend as 
well as a tolerable scholar. He displayed his fondness for 
the military profession, while at college, in forming a com- 
pany, ol which he was chosen an officer. 

Leaving college in 1824, Franklin Pierce returned to 
Hillsborough. Soon afterwards he chose the law as a pro- 
fession, and became a student in the office of Judge Wood- 
bury, of Portsmouth. The two last years of his studies 
were sperr at the law school of Northampton, Massachu- 
setts, and in the office of Judge Parker, of Amherst. In 
1827. Mr. Pierce was admitted to the bar, and began to 
practise his profession, at Hillsborough. At first, he did 
give promise of eminence. His first case was a marked 
failure. But, conscious of the power within him, the young 
lawyer resolved to make it manifest. Politics, however, 



FRANKLIN PIERCE. 



395 



drew away his attention for a time. Like his father, Franklin 
Pierce was a warm supporter of General Jackson, and he 
had scarcely been admitted to the bar before he took an 
active part in politics. 

In 1829, the town of Hillsborough elected Franklin 
Pierce its representative in the legislature of the state. 
He served in that body four years ; in the two latter of 
whi"h he was chosen speaker by large majorities. It is rare 
to find so much confidence placed in the abilities of so young 
a man. In 1833, Mr. Pierce, then twenty-nine years of 
age, was elected to Congress. In that body, he was a labo- 
rious rather than a conspicuous member. He was too modest 
to speak frequently where older and more experienced men 
were legislating ; but in the committee-room, he was recog- 
nised as a trusty and valuable member of the national house. 
He supported the administration of President Jackson 
through all the storms by which it was assailed. His prin- 
cipal speeches were made in opposition to the bill authoriz- 
ing appropriations for the Military Academy at West Point, 
an institution to which he subsequently became friendly. 

Having remained a member of the house of representa- 
tives about four years, Franklin Pierce was, in 1837, elected 
to the Senate of the United States. That body then con- 
tained Clay, Calhoun, Webster, and other extraordinary 
men, and Mr. Pierce took his seat among them when scarcely 
thirty years of age. While he continued in the senate, the 
administration President Van Buren received his cordia 
support. He seldom spoke ; but always worked and voted 
In 1840, Mr. Pierce, then a member of the committee on 
revolutionary pensions, made a forcible speech, in which 
while he acknowledged the strong claims of the revolutionary 
patriots upon the gratitude of the country, he took grouud 



396 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

against the extensive system of pensions. After the acces- 
sion of the whig party to power, in 18-11, Mr. Pierce made 
a vigorous speech, denunciatory of the removals from office 
made by the Harrison administration. Upon the whole, 
the congressional career of Franklin Pierce conferred high 
honor upon himself, and considerable benefit upon the na- 
tional legislation. In June, 1812, he signified his purpose 
of retiring from the senate. In 1834, he had married Jane 
Means, a daughter of the Rev. Dr. Appleton, formerly 
president of Bowdoin College. Three sons, the first of 
whom died in infancy, had been born to him ; and having 
hitherto been kept poor by his public services, he became 
sensible of the expediency of making some provision for the 
future. This was the reason of his resignation. 

Mr. Pierce now took up his residence at Concord, and 
devoted himself, with the most brilliant success, to the prac- 
tice of the law. Those who had remarked the effort of his 
first failure at the bar, were astonished and delighted with 
the powerful speeches which he now made on many occa- 
sions. He was soon considered at the head of the New 
Hampshire bar. In 1846, President Polk tendered to Mr. 
Pierce the high position of attorney-general of the United 
States ; but, from family reasons, he declined the honor. 
He also declined an appointment of United States senator 
by Governor Steele, and the nomination of the democratic 
convention for governor. Few men have rejected so many 
opportunities of distinction as Franklin Pierce. Honors 
came unsought, and he refused them. 

On the breaking out of the Mexican war, in 1846, Frank- 
lin Pierce showed his patriotism by enrolling himself as the 
earliest volunteer of a company raised in Concord. On the 
passage of the bill for the increase of the army, he received 



FRANKLIN PIERCE. 



397 



the appointment of colonel of the 9th regiment ; and shortly 
afterwards, lie was commissioned as brigadier-general in the 
army. On the 27th of May, 1847, he sailed from Newport 
in the bark Kepler, and after a voyage of a month reached 
Vera Cruz. General Scott, with his victorious army, was 
then far on his way towards the city of Mexico, and com- 
munications between the army and Vera Cruz were cut off 
by swarms of guerillas. General Pierce was compelled to 
await the arrival of his whole brigade, and the supplies in- 
tended for General Scott. On the 16th of July, he left Vera 
Cruz, and began his perilous march. At San Juan and 
other points, the brigade was assailed by guerillas, but the 
rapid charges ordered by General Pierce were effectual in 
beating them back. After a fatiguing and exhausting 
march, he reached the main army at Puebla, on the 7th of 
August, with twenty four-hundred men, in good order, and 
without the loss of a single wagon. General Pierce took 
an active part in the battles fought in the valley of Mexico, 
and though disabled for a time by the fall of his horse, had 
opportunities of which he took advantage, to prove himself 
a brave and skilful officer. After the capture of the city 
of Mexico, and the beginning of negotiations, for peace, 
General Pierce returned to the United States. In Concord, 
he was welcomed with enthusiasm, and many marks of 
honor were conferred upon him. He resigned his commis- 
'on in the army, and returned to the practice of the law. 

The citizen soldier was not long permitted to enjoy the 
sweets of private life. He was elected a member of the 
convention, called in 1850, to revise the constitution of 
New Hampshire. In that body he acted as president, and 
possessed great influence. General Pierce approved of 
the Compromise measures passed by Congress, in 1850, 



398 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

and procured for them the support of a large majority of 
the democratic party in New Hampshire. 

On the 11th of June, 1852, the Democratic National 
Convention assembled at Baltimore, in order to select a 
candidate for the Presidency of the United States. The 
democracy of New Hampshire had indicated General Pierce 
as its preference, but, at his request, his name was not at 
first presented to the convention. Thirty-five ballotings 
were held and still there was no choice. Then Virginia cast 
her vote for Franklin Pierce, and on the forty-ninth ballot, 
the vote stood, for Franklin Pierce, two hundred and eighty- 
two, and for all other candidates, eleven. William R. King, 
of Alabama, was nominated on the same ticket for the Vice- 
Presidency. General Pierce accepted the unexpected nomi- 
nation, with an expression of diffidence which was highly 
honorable to his character. 

The canvass was conducted with spirit. The whig party 
brought forward as its candidates, General Winfield Scott, 
of New Jersey, and William A. Graham, of North Carolina. 
The election was held on the 2d of November ; and the 
next day it was known that the democratic candidates had 
been chosen by an unprecedented majority. Only four 
states — Vermont, Massachusetts, Kentucky, and Tennessee, 
were found in the ranks of the opposition. 

On the 4th of March 1853, Franklin Pierce was inaugu 
rated President of the United States. His address con- 
tained a plain avowal of his political principles, which were 
those of a large majority of the democratic party. A love 
of the Union was conspicuous in this inaugural declaration. 
The cabinet of the new President was formed as follows : — 
William L. Marcy, of New York, Secretary of State ; Ro- 
bert M'Clelland, of Michigan, Secretary of the Interior 



FRANKLIN PIERCE. 899 

James Guthrie, of Kentucky, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, Secretary of War ; James 
Dobbins, of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy ; 
Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts, Attorne} r -General ; 
and James Campbell, of Pennsylvania, Postmaster- 
General. The administration of President Pierce began 
under the brightest auspices, having the support and 
confidence of a powerful party. 

The acquisition of Texas, which was really a great 
and most successful filibustering expedition, stimulated 
similar efforts in other directions, and these efforts caused 
President Pierce no small annoyance. In December, 
1850, Lopez, a Cuban, with a number of associates, had 
been arrested for a violation of the neutrality law of 
1818; but as nothing could be proved against them, 
they had been released. Early in August of the fol- 
lowing year, Lopez sailed from New Orleans and landed 
in Cuba; but the Spanish authorities routed his forces, 
executed the leaders, and imprisoned the rest. It was 
evident that Spain was too strongly intrenched in Cuba 
to be disturbed by private effort, and hence subsequent 
movements in its direction were mainly confined to 
governmental action. Nevertheless, private prepara- 
tions did not wholly cease, though they never again 
came prominently to the surface. President Pierce 
ended them by his proclamation of May 31, 1854, warn- 
ing all good citizens against taking any part in them. 

The expedition against Cuba, however, at first gave 
rise to considerable anxiety in Europe as to the possible 
future action of the United -States Government in 
regard to them. In 1852, Great Britain and France 
jointly proposed to the United States a tripartite con- 



400 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

vention, by- which the three powers should disclaim all 
intention to obtain possession of Cuba, and should dis- 
countenance such an attempt by any power. Edward 
Everett, the Secretary of State, refused to do so, but 
at the same time he declared that the United States 
would never question Spain's title to the island. In 
August, 1854, President Pierce directed the American 
ministers to Great Britain, France, and Spain — James 
Buchanan, John Y. Mason, and Pierre Soule — to meet 
in some convenient city and discuss the Cuban question. 
They met at Ostend, Oct. 9, and afterwards at Aix la 
Chapelle, and drew up the despatch to their government, 
which is commonly known as the "Ostend Manifesto." 
It declares, in brief, that the sale of Cuba would be as 
advantageous and honorable to Spain as its purchase 
would be to the United States ; but that, if Spain 
should obstinately refuse to sell it, self-preservation 
would make it incumbent upon the United States to 
"wrest it from her," and prevent it from being African- 
ized into a second St. Domingo. 

It is needless to say that neither the Ostend confer- 
ence nor the cabinet at Washington gave any counte- 
nance to this policy. The manifesto was denounced in 
the Republican platform of 1856, as "the highwayman's 
plea that might makes right;" and was not openly 
defended by the Democratic platform of 1850 or of 
18G0, except that the latter declared in favor of the 
acquisition of Cuba by honorable and just means, at 
the earliest practical moment. 

It was during President Pierce's administration that 
the so-called Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed. By 
virtue of this bill the territories of Kansas and Nebraska 



FRANKLIN PIERCE. 401 

were organized, and its political importance consisted 
wholly in its repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 
1820. 

It did not seem possible at the time that there could 
arise any further question in regard to slavery in the 
United States, for every inch of territory in the coun- 
try was thought to be covered by some compromise or 
other. The slavery question was, then, in this state of 
equilibrium when a bill was passed b} r the House, Feb. 
10, 1853, to organize the territory of Nebraska, cover- 
ing also the modern State of Kansas. In the Senate 
the bill was laid on the table. But during the summer 
of 1853, Southern politicians began to discuss the new 
phase of the slavery question created by the proposed 
bill ; and, by the time that Congress met in December, 
they had pretty accurately marked out a plan for future 
action. The Northern Democrats were in sympathy 
with them. 

In January, 1854, after considerable discussion, 
Stephen A. Douglas reported a new bill on the subject, 
which, in its ultimate and unexpected consequences, 
was one of the most far-reaching legislative acts in 
American history. The bill divided the territory from 
latitude 37° to latitude 43° 30' into two territories, — 
the southern to be called Kansas, and the northern, Ne- 
braska ; the territory between latitude 36° 30' and 37° 
was now left to the Indians. In the organization of 
both these territories it was declared to be the purpose 
of the Act to carry out the following three " propositions 
and principles established by the compromise measures 
of 1850:" 1. That all questions as to slavery in the 
territories, or the States to be formed from them, were 



402 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

:o be left to the representatives of the people residing 
therein ; 2. That cases involving title to slaves or per- 
sonal freedom might be appealed from the local tribunals 
to the Supreme Court ; and 3. That the fugitive-slave 
law could apply to the Territories. 

On the 3d of March, 1854, the bill passed the Senate 
by a, vote of thirty-seven to fourteen. In the affirma- 
tive were fourteen Northern Democrats, and twenty- 
three Southern Democrats and Whigs. In the negative 
were eight Northern anti-slavery Senators, Free Soilers, 
or "anti-Nebraska men; 7 ' one Southern Whig; one 
Southern Democrat ; and four Northern Democrats. 
The bill was passed by the House, May 24, by a major- 
ity of thirteen ; and on the 30th of May, President 
Pierce signed the bill, which at once became a law. 

What were the results? The bill destroyed the 
Whig party, the great mass of whose voters in the South 
went over to the Democratic party, and in the North 
to the new Republican party. It made the Democratic 
party almost entirely sectional, for the loss of its strong 
anti-slavery element in the North reduced it in t lie 
course of the next few years to a hopeless minority 
there. It crystallized all the Northern elements opposed 
to slaveiy into another sectional party, soon to take the 
name of " Republican." Finally, it compelled all other 
elements, after a hopeless effort to form a new party on 
a new issue, to join one or the other sectional party. 

Its cflccts on the people of the two sections were 
even worse. It made the whole North believe that the 
policy of the South was a greedy, grasping, scllish 
desire for the extension of slavery; it led the South 
into the belief that the North was treacherous and 



FRANKLTN PIERCE. 403 

evasive. In other words, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 
and still more the Dred Scott Decision which followed 
it, placed each section, in 1860, to its own think- 
ing, impregnably upon its own peculiar ground of 
aggrievement. The North remembered only the viola- 
tion of the compromise of 1820 by the Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill ; while the South, ignoring the compromise of 1820 
as obsolete by mutual agreement, complained of the 
North's refusal to carry out fairly the Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill and the Dred Scott Decision. 

All this unfortunate complication was due entirely to 
Stephen A. Douglas's over-zealous desire to settle still 
more firmly and securely a question which was already 
settled. 

Notwithstanding the fact that, by his signature to 
the bill, President Pierce strengthened the Democratic 
party, his party refused him a second term. At the 
Democratic National Convention, which assembled in 
Cincinnati in 1850, James Buchanan was nominated as 
his successor, and was elected in November. 

In March, 1857, Mr. Pierce retired to private life, 
and shortly afterwards he sailed for Europe with his 
wife, whose health had been seriously impaired since 
the death of their last surviving son in 1853. They 
visited Madeira, and made a protracted tour of the 
Continent, returning home in 1860. The sojourn abroad 
was an interesting one, but the bereaved mother could 
not rally from her great affliction, and died in 1863. 

President Pierce was an ardent supporter of the 
State Rights doctrine. In 1860, on the 6th of January, 
he thus wrote to his old friend, Jefferson Davis : " I 
have never believed that actual disruption of the Union 



404 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

can occur without blood ; and if, through the madness 
of Northern abolitionists, that dire calamity must come, 
the fighting will not be along Mason and Dixon's line 
merely, it will be within our own borders, in our own 
streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom 
I have referred. Those who defy law, and scout 
constitutional obligations, will, if we ever reach the 
arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home." 

From 18G1 to 1865, the ex-President remained in 
retirement at his home in Concord, N.H. He took no 
active part in the strife, except occasionally by open 
letters or public addresses he passionately denounced 
the coercion of the seceded States, and the general 
conduct of the war. In one of these addresses, he 
called Vallandigham " that noble martyr of free speech." 

The death of his wife saddened the remainder of his 
life. His depression of spirits was still more enhanced 
by the death of Nathaniel Hawthorne, his most inti- 
mate and cherished friend. His health began to decline 
shortly after the close of the civil war. He died Oct. 
8, 1869, at Concord. 

Whatever may have been his political short-comings, 
and his inability to grasp the great questions of the 
day with a statesmanlike grip, President Pierce was in 
private life greatly beloved. His amiable qualities and 
his winning manners won many friends, to whom he 
ever proved true and faithful. As a husband, he was 
devoted; ;is a, father, tender; as a man, devout and 
kindly. His death saddened many hearts who knew 
little ;inil cared less fur his political career, or his views 
on national subjects. 




% 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 

James Buchanan was the last Democrat to hold the 
office of President of the United States before the war, 
and his term of office occupies, in the annals of the 
country, a most unique and memorable position. His 
administration was the only one in which a condition 
of war existed, without formal declaration, from his 
inauguration to the end. 

James Buchanan was born in a little town in Frank- 
lin County, Penn., dignified by the peculiar name of 
Stony Batter, at the foot of the eastern ridge of the 
Alleghany Mountains, April 23, 1791 ; thus, as he 
sometimes said, he lacked " but a broad limestone val- 
ley of being born in Maryland." The spot where Mr. 
Buchanan first saw the light of day is a wild, romantic 
gorge surrounded by the towering summits of eternal 
hills. The chimney of the old Buchanan cabin is still 
to be seen in an expiring state, marking the ex-Presi- 
dent's birthplace. Mr. Buchanan's father was a native 
of North Ireland, and emigrated to the United States 
in 1783. He was poor but industrious, and before his 
death he had acquired a handsome competency. He 
married a daughter of Pennsylvania and became a 

403 



40G LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

pioneer in American civilization. James Buchanan 
was born in a log cabin, and lived there till he was 
eight years of age. His father had an excellent English 
education, his mother an uncommon intellect. 

In 1798, Mr. Buchanan's father moved to Mercersburg, 
where the son received his early education in English, 
Latin, and Greek. At the age of fourteen he entered 
Dickson College at Carlisle, in Cumberland County, 
and at once took rank among the most indefatigable 
students. He graduated with the highest collegiate 
honors at the age of eighteen, a tall, slender, and grace- 
ful youth. Cradled in poverty, inured to hardships and 
toil at home and in the forests, dexterous with the rifle 
like a true back-woodsman, he had the firm collegiate 
foundation adequate to support the life which followed. 
Soon after graduating from college he began the study 
of law, and was admitted to the bar Nov. 17, 1812, and 
rose rapidly in his profession, till he became distinguished 
throughout the State, already celebrated for the ability 
of her lawyers. With her Baldwins, Gibsons, Roses, 
Duncans, Breckinridges, and her Semples, Mr. Buchanan 
was obliged to struggle for that eminence in his profes- 
sion which he attained and held, till his name appears 
more frequently in the Pennsylvania reports than that 
of any lawyer of his day. Very soon this prominence 
forced him to consent to become a candidate for Con- 
gress, a position which he held for ten years, when he 
peremptorily declined renomination. In 1831, he retired 
altogether from his profession, having already accumu- 
lated an ample competence. Only once after that was 
he prevailed upon to appear at the bar. This was in 
behalf of an aged widow, in an act of ejectment which 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 407 

involved all her little property. The case was a diffi- 
cult one ; and, technically, decidedly against the unfor- 
tunate woman. He succeeded, however, in establishing' 
her title to the property in question ; but, to her ex- 
pressions of gratefulness and offers of remuneration, 
Mr. Buchanan positively refused to accept any thing 
for his services. 

Even as early as during the war of 1812, Mr. Buchanan 
signalized his devotion to his country in an address of 
great ability, which he followed by registering his name 
as the first volunteer, serving as a private, and using 
all his influence vigorously to prosecute the war; thus 
laying an indestructible foundation for vindicating the 
exceptions taken by political enemies to his Congres- 
sional record in later years. Whatever opinion may be 
held concerning his political preferences during his ten 
years in Congress, no one to-day attempts to impeach 
the honesty and integrity of James Buchanan. As an 
instance of the earnestness and sincerity with which he 
performed his public duties, an extract might be made 
from the speech which he delivered on the 12th of 
March, 1822, in which he said, " 1 have the honor of 
representing an honest, a wealthy, and a respectable 
agricultural community ; and I owe it to them, to my 
conscience, and to my God, not to suffer this bill to 
pass, which I conceive to be fraught with destruction 
to their best interests, both moral and political, without 
at least entering my solemn protest against its provis- 
ions/' This spirit followed Mr. Buchanan throughout 
his public career. 

In his speech upon the tariff question, he said of 
himself, " If I know myself, I am a politician neither 



408 LIVES OF THE PKESIDENTS. 

of the East nor of the West, of the North nor of the 
South ; I therefore shall forever avoid any exceptions, 
sectionally, the direct tendency of which must be to 
create sectional jealousies, sectional divisions, and at 
length disunion, — that worst and last of all political 
calamities." 

In Congress, Mr. Buchanan came in contact with 
Webster of Massachusetts, Clay of Kentucky, and 
Livingston of Louisiana. In every important debate 
during the ten years, Mr. Buchanan took a prominent 
part, often crossing swords with these brilliant lights 
in American statesmanship ; while extracts from his 
speeches soon became popular selections for the juve- 
nile rostrum, and echoed about the angular walls of 
many a district school. 

From the prominent position which Mr. Buchanan 
took in the campaign when his friend Gen. Jackson 
was elected to the presidency, he became the special 
mark of the malignancy of his enemies. He was 
assailed with all tire bitterness which party spirit could 
invoke, but firm in his confidence in the ability of the 
distinguished man whom he supported for the highest 
office of the people, he never wavered in his support. 
Especially did Mr. Buchanan distinguish himself in the 
consideration by the legislative body of the impeach- 
ment of James H. Peck, judge of the District Court of 
the United States for the district of Missouri ; and 
there is no man, in whose bosom beats a true American 
heart, who cannot thank him for the noble sentiments 
which he uttered before the assembled tribunal of the 
nation on that occasion. 

Ten successive years in the popular branch of the 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 409 

National Legislature necessarily gives a man a thorough 
acquaintance with the details of legislation, and quali- 
fies him for more responsible positions. It is not too 
much to say that Mr. Buchanan won his position in the 
hearts of the American people by the laborious indus- 
try of a long life devoted to their interests, and by 
those qualities of head and heart which fitted him for 
retaining, in so remarkable a degree, the confidence be- 
stowed, and in discharging so acceptably the responsible 
duties with which he was afterward intrusted. He 
entered Congress at a period when party lines were not 
drawn with that rigid exactness which has marked 
political life since that time. The Federal party had 
been dissolved at the close of the war of 1812, and 
political issues had not again assumed a definite form. 
He began his career in Congress, fighting for the cause 
of equal rights, with special privileges for none, and 
justice for all. 

When Monroe's famous message upon the subject of 
internal improvements appeared, he gave it his unquali- 
fied indorsement. On the tariff question he was with 
Gen. Jackson, denying the right of Congress to levy 
duties except for revenue. He appeared as the distinct 
foe of sectional strife and any attempt to destroy the 
Constitution, ranking second to none in the ability and 
vigor with which he supported the freedom of the press 
and the rights of the people. 

Shortly after his voluntary retirement from Congress, 
President Jackson appointed him minister to Russia, 
which distinguished office he held with honor to himself 
and his country. His diplomatic life was marked with 
the same regard for duty, and the same careful concern 



410 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

for the interests of his country. He negotiated the 
first commercial treaty between Russia and the United 
States, securing valuable advantages for our commerce 
in the Black and Baltic Seas. After his return from 
Russia, in 1804, Mr. Buchanan was elected to fill the 
vacancy in the United-States Senate caused by the res- 
ignation of Judge Wilkins. He returned to Congress 
just in time to come to the rescue of his friend in the 
storm which the rigid principles of Gen. Jackson had 
inaugurated, and to bear an important part in the 
memorable struggles of his administration. 

Among the important questions that came before the 
Senate at this time was the subject of slavery. The 
subject was then, in most of its aspects, a new one. It 
had previously been before Congress only as a measure 
excluding it from further extension. Now (1835) it 
assumed a different form. The reception of this aboli- 
tion exotic was at first looked upon with scorn and dis- 
dain. Its advocates were mobbed as cheerfully in the 
North as in the South. The general sentiment of 
the community at large was in opposition to slavery in 
the abstract, but any thing that savored of placing 
white men and negroes upon terms of social equality 
was distinctly rejected as outrageous. Mr. Buchanan 
vigorously opposed slavery in the abstract; but, like 
many others, went to the utmost limit of the Constitu- 
tion in protecting the Southern Slates from what was 
then thought to be incendiary publications. If the 
danger which was feared of a negro insurrection had 
been what it was supposed to be at that time, the views 
of such as Mr. Buchanan would have been just and 
proper; but the more extended acquaintance with the 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 411 

subject, which experience has developed, precludes 
the possibility of farther argument. 

Throughout the administration of Gen. Jackson, Mr. 
Buchanan remained his staunch friend. In 1840, when 
Congress assembled, on the 7th of December, the whirl- 
wind of the campaign had spent its force. Gen. Harri- 
son had been elected ; and the session saw no very 
important legislation, but more of a review of the past, 
and speculations as to the future. The day had not 
passed, however, when many hoped to gain something 
by attacking Gen. Jackson ; and in reply to some 
derogatory remarks of a distinguished senator, Mr. 
Buchanan exclaimed, " Gen. Jackson has now retired 
to the Hermitage, and may live to have the judgment 
of posterity, as it were, passed upon him. He was an 
able, sagacious, and truly patriotic man ; and I now 
say that those of us, if there be any such, who shall 
survive a quarter of a century longer will live to see 
the day when Jackson's name and fame shall be cher- 
ished alike by persons of all political parties." It was 
a prediction which came true much sooner than Mr. 
Buchanan anticipated. 

In the following Congress, the extra session con- 
voked by Gen. Harrison, but which did not assemble 
till after his death and the assumption of the chief 
magistracy by Vice-President Tyler, the first measure- 
introduced by the new party was the repeal of the 
independent treasury act. The Democracy resisted it 
with all their might, but Mr. Buchanan and his sup- 
porters were in the minority. Mr. Buchanan appeared 
as the leader of his party, and in many an excited 
debate, with his plain facts resolutely asserted, met the 



412 LIVES Or THE PRESIDENTS. 

brilliancy and wit of Mr. Clay. The veto power, the 
territorial government of Oregon, the annexation of 
Texas, called every latent power into activity, and 
raised him still higher in the estimation of both friends 
and foes as an accomplished and brilliant leader. And 
again, in 1844, the election of James K. Polk and the 
favorable issue before the people of the annexation of 
Texas gave renewed power to the Democracy, and pre- 
cedence to its leader. Mr. Buchanan was the only 
member of the Committee of Foreign Relations in the 
Senate, to which the subject was referred, who had 
reported favorably upon the annexation ; and his final 
vote to admit Texas into the American Union completed 
his senatorial career. 

He resigned his position as senator from Pennsyl- 
vania, — a place which he had held for ten years with 
so much honor for himself, his party, and the nation, — 
to accept the position of Secretary of State in the cabi- 
net of President Polk, occupying the chief position in 
that cabinet which conducted the brilliant campaign 
in Mexico, and planted the stars and stripes in Cali- 
fornia. When he left the State Department, our 
country was at peace both at home and abroad, our ter- 
ritory had been enlarged, and our commerce extended. 
Untold riches were falling into the country, prosperity 
was everywhere visible, our States were growing with 
unexampled rapidity, and railroads were stretching 
into the West, in great part due to the statesman-like 
foresight that had opened and secured California to the 
adventurous spirit of American genius and enterprise. 

Throughout his entire career, he had relied upon the 
plain, outspoken truth, appealing to common sense 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 413 

rather than to fancy or imagination, adhering strictly 
to simple, yet graceful and eloquent language. In no 
speech of his was there apparent a desire to catch the 
breath of temporary applause; but firm, dignified, and 
impressive, in advance of his opinions as he was resolute 
and energetic in maintaining them, he presented, b} r his 
urbanity in debate and purity in patriotism, a model 
American statesman. No man who understood Mr. 
Buchanan's character could ever suspect him of bluster 
or bravado. Upon all public questions he was awarded 
a leading part, and in all positions he acquitted himself 
to the entire satisfaction of his supporters. 

The reputation that a person acquires in life may 
pass away like a dream before the inexorable justice of 
history ; the newspapers of the day may create a fame 
which will last for a time; but posterity will judge of 
men by the advantages which they have brought to it, 
and by ideas which will live and breathe as sentiments 
when they are gone. He was always firm in his politi- 
cal views, but moderate and conciliatory in expressing 
them. 

Upon the election of Gen. Taylor, Mr. Buchanan 
gladly sought the rest and quiet of private life, which 
a long, uninterrupted devotion to public service ren- 
dered as agreeable as it was necessary. He had never 
sought for public honors; but, taken up at an early age 
by his neighbors, and placed in public life, he had 
acquitted himself with such honesty, devotion, and 
singleness of purpose, that, step by step, his preferment 
came almost of necessity. When the Baltimore con- 
vention met in 1852, a large number of Mr. Buchanan's 
friends desired to nominate him for the presidency. 



414 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

They failed in this, but no one gave the successful can- 
didate more generous and hearty support than did 
Mr. Buchanan. When the campaign was over, Presi- 
dent Pierce tendered to his firm supporter the mission 
to the Court of St. James, an office at the time only 
second to the position of the President in social, politi- 
cal, and financial importance. While holding this office, 
two questions arose which required of him consum- 
mate tact for their proper management, and in dealing 
with which the direct American plainness and honesty 
of Mr. Buchanan's diplomatic papers puzzled the old- 
school European tricksters, who were not accustomed 
to downright frankness, and eventually overcame them ; 
and in August, 1853, the President transmitted to him 
full power to conclude a treaty with Great Britain in 
relation to the Central-American questions. 

At his own urgent request, several times repeated, 
Mr. Buchanan was at last relieved from the vexing 
duties and responsibilities of his office, and returned to 
his native country on the 23d of April, 1856. 

His course had been watched with interest and anx- 
iety by his fellow-citizens ; and when the Common 
Council of New-York City determined, without respect 
to party, to unite in giving him a public reception, it 
but expressed the general impulse of gratefulness to 
him for his distinguished services. The following pre- 
amble and resolution was unanimously passed by the 
city authorities : — ; 

" Whereas, Mr. Buchanan's patriotic, dignified, and 
able course as representative of his country at the 
British court, and especially the judgment and ability 
displayed in conducting the recent negotiations with 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 415 

Great Britain, have commanded the admiration and 
approval of the American people ; and, 

" Whereas, the respect entertained by onr citizens, 
without distinction of party, for his exalted character 
and commanding talents as evidenced in a long career 
of conspicuous public service, ought to find a fitting 
expression in their representatives in the common 
council ; therefore, be it 

"Resolved, that a select committee of five be appointed 
to receive the Hon. James Buchanan on his arrival at 
this port, as the guest of this city, and tender to him 
the hospitalities thereof." 

The reception was cordial and enthusiastic. Cheer 
after cheer ' attested the earnest and deep affection 
which the public always bestows upon a faithful ser- 
vant, as Mr. Buchanan landed from the steamer. A 
public dinner was tendered him by the corporation, 
which Mr. Buchanan politely but decidedly declined. 

Long before Mr. Buchanan's return, a large and 
influential portion of Iris political friends, in different 
parts of the United States, forwarded his name as a 
candidate for the presidency. The Democratic conven- 
tion in his own State also presented his name to the 
public. The time and circumstances seemed to con- 
spire in his favor. Never since the formation of our 
Government had a more formidable agitation been con- 
ceived or conducted upon such systematic principles. 
Whatever action there was in his favor was the 
spontaneous moving of the people in their primary 
organizations. Such was the state of affairs when the 
Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, on 
the second day of June, when Mr. Buchanan was 



416 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

unanimously nominated on the seventh ballot. Such 
was the man presented to the American people for 
their suffrages, in the- sunset of an honorable life, with 
his eye yet undimmed, his natural force unabated ; and 
such was the man whom the people selected as their 
chief magistrate. 

President Pierce had left his successor the legacy of 
the Kansas-Nebraska imbroglio. During the latter part 
of the Pierce administration, the hostile camps had 
come very close to each other with their organized 
bands, each claiming to be the legitimate militia of the 
Territory, engaging in battle on the plains of Kansas, 
and sacking towns at their pleasure. Here in reality 
was the germ of the Rebellion. The Southerners were 
Missourians and Texans, whose only real object seemed 
to be to insist upon the promotion of slavery, and who 
were not, many of them, actual settlers, but were known 
as border ruffians; while the Northerners were from 
nearly all of the free States, and came to till the soil 
and establish manufactures, not to practise with Sharp's 
rillcs and Colt's revolvers. But necessity was the 
mother of invention, and the few real combatants knew 
no bounds. Little quarter was ever given, and mid- 
night assassinations and hangings were of continuous 
occurrence on both sides. Such was the state of things 
which Mr. Buchanan found before him when he took 
his seat in the White House: and the work of pacifica- 
tion was arduous enough to tax to the utmost the ex- 
perience he had obtained in his years of public service. 
The Federal officials upon the spot were obliged to 
support sometimes one party, sometimes the other; 
while the governors sent out from Washington gave up 
their places in despair. 



JAMES BUOHANAN. 417 

Conspicuous among the Free-State leaders were John 
Brown and his four sous. In the defence of Ossawat- 
tomie, the Browns gained their first decided notoriety. 
It was a little village in Kansas, near the Missouri 
State line. John Brown, with sixteen followers, held 
the place against several hundred marauders from over 
the border. With a, loss of bnl two men. he succeeded 
in killing and wounding nearly eighty of their number, 
which made him the terror of his enemies, and gave 
him the sobriquet of " Ossawattomie Brown," by which 
he was afterward known throughout the country. 

President Buchanan, elected in 1856, was inaugurated 
March 4, 1857, and called to his cabinet Lewis Cass 
of Michigan as Secretary of State; Howell Cobb of 
Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd 
of Virginia, Secretary of War. Isaac Toucey of Con- 
necticut, Secretary of the Navy ; Jacob Thompson of 
Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior; Jeremiah Black 
of Pennsylvania. Attorney-General , and Horatio King of 
Maine, Postmaster-General, — a list of gentlemen every- 
where admitted to be among the ablest statesmen of 
the day; and. except upon the question of slavery, 
their actions throughout the numerous difficulties in 
their path met with the approval of the country. 
Being Democrats, and a part of them Southerners, they 
were naturally strongly biased in their views at the 
time, as were all their political adversaries in the United 
States. Prominent among the vexatious subjects not 
at all connected with slavery, to which Mr. Buchanan 
succeeded, was the disturbed condition of affairs with 
Great Britain. The relations between the two coun- 
tries were strained. The British minister Crampton 



41S LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

had been dismissed from Washington for enlisting 
soldiers in New York and Philadelphia for service in 
the English army in the Crimea, and the course of the 
British in Central America was, likewise, troublesome, 
and very much in violation of the Monroe Doctrine. 
Neither had England relinquished the right of search, 
which had caused the war of 1812; and the practice of 
stopping and searching American vessels, upon the 
alleged suspicion that they were engaged in the slave- 
trade, was put into frequent action by British cruisers 
in the Gulf of Mexico. 

With his usual clear-headed, straightforward deter- 
mination, Mr. Buchanan resolved to deal peremptorily 
with this question. T lis experience as United-States 
minister at the Court of St. James well acquainted him 
with the situation, and of all men in the United States 
he was competent to act peremptorily and with decision. 
The American navy was small, but it had never been in 
any better condition; and in it were some of the finest 
warships afloat, with a corps of skilled and able officers 
who were quite ready, as they afterward abundantly 
proved, to undertake any daring enterprise whatsoever. 
In 1858, these aggravating cases of the boarding of 
American vessels by British cruisers increased in num- 
ber, and created a marked excitement and indignation 
throughout the country at large. The President de- 
manded explanations from England. Gen. Cass, Secre- 
tary of State, addressed Lord Napier, the new British 
ambassador at Washington; and Mr. Dallas, the 
American minister in London, was instructed to de- 
mand compensation for the outrages, and to insist per- 
emptorily on their cessation. In the mean time the 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 419 

Gulf squadron was materially strengthening, and the 
" Colorado," a powerful frigate of the first class, was 
sent there with specific orders to stop all interference 
with the American ships, from whatever quarter it 
might come. Both political parties united in the sup- 
port of the Government, and the Senate unanimously 
adopted a resolution introduced by Mr. Seward for 
immediate and thorough investigation of the facts. 

At last England awoke to the situation. It w r as evi- 
dent that the United States was in earnest; and that if 
the right to search were insisted on, the next step would 
be another conflict, with chances for success even less 
than before. Therefore, all things considered, the 
British Government announced its willingness to discuss 
the question. The excitement at once calmed down, 
and the nations met each other, through their represen- 
tatives, with such satisfactory results that, on Monday, 
July 5, while the American citizens in London were 
celebrating the eighty-second anniversary of American 
independence. Mr. Dallas informed the guests assembled 
that the right of search, and even the right of visiting, 
had been totally renounced by the British Government ; 
and thus was brought to a happy conclusion one dan- 
gerous controversy, which had so long threatened the 
peace or the two nations. 

The laying of the first Atlantic cable, which was 
begun a month later, added much to the better feeling 
between the two countries. Expressions of good will 
and hopes for commercial prosperity were sent as salu- 
tations from each to the other by cable. Messages 
were exchanged between President Buchanan and 
Queen Victoria ; and, in the general astonishment and 



420 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

enthusiasm, in grand celebrations, illuminations, torch- 
light processions, military parades, and other jo} r ous 
demonstrations, the American people forgot their bitter- 
ness toward England, and began to feel that Great 
Britain was one of the most delightful of neighbors. 
This change of sentiment was in great part due to the 
skilful and earnest treatment which the entanglement 
received at the hands of President Buchanan. 

Another incident which encouraged the best of feel- 
ing was brought about in the course of the naval oper- 
ations in Chinese waters, carried on by the British 
Admiral Hope, during the war between England and 
China. He undertook to reduce the forts at the mouth 
of the river ; but, through ignorance of the water and 
tides, three of his vessels got aground, directly under 
the guns of the fort, and would have been utterly de- 
stroyed or captured, for the rest of the fleet was obliged 
to retire ; but Commodore Tatnall, commanding the 
American fleet, who was watching the fight, bore down 
in his own flag-ship, and pulled the English ships out 
of range. Shortly after this the British Government 
ceded the Bay Islands to Honduras, thus ending the 
long dispute over the Monroe Doctrine. 

The Mormon question, too, which had appeared like 
a threatening cloud upon the horizon during the Pierce 
administration, now assumed most serious proportions 
for Mr. Buchanan. The territory of Utah, under the 
governorship of Brigham Young, publicly announced a 
positive rebellion against the authority of the United 
States. Gentiles were murdered, and the Federal 
courts rendered inoperative: even thn military power 
of the Government being defied. Again President 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 421 

Buchanan dealt his vigorous and decisive, blows, and 
settled the question temporarily to the entire satisfac- 
tion of the country. He sent out an army corps of 
about three thousand men, comprising- several regiments 
of infantry, artillery, and cavalry, under the famous 
Gen. Albert S. Johnston, which made such an impos- 
ing force on its march into the Territory that the Saints 
at once opened negotiations and tendered submission, 
some time before the advance guard arrived in Salt 
Lake. Commissioners empowered to arrange the mat- 
ter accompanied the troops, and a new governor and a 
new judge were inaugurated without conflict. 

The following year James Buchanan's administration 
was destined to see even greater excitement, in the 
threatened insurrection and the John Brown raid, 
which took place at Harper's Ferry in 1859, creating 
the profoundest impression all over the country, and 
proving the final incident, previous to the election of 
Abraham Lincoln, which induced the secession of the 
Southern States. It was only the climax of what had 
been growing in the Kansas warfare, the Dred Scott 
Decision, and the suspected plot of insurrection among 
the slaves; and in the sympathy expressed in the North 
for John Brown and his companions, the impetuous 
Southerners became thoroughly enraged and alarmed. 
The success of John Brown's endeavors was an impos- 
sibility from the start, but its influence at the moment 
was most important. 

The last year of the Buchanan administration was 
one of the utmost political tumult ; with the Walker 
filibustering expeditions from Southern ports against 
Central America, and the secession threats from South 



422 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Carolina, it was a period of intense though gloomy ex- 
citement. It became evident that Abraham Lincoln 
would be elected President by the Republican party, 
over the candidates of the divided Democracy, and that 
incipient war would at once be inaugurated. The 
Democrats were cast down and hopeless through the 
split in their party; while the Republicans, though 
assured of a political victory, were gravely apprehen- 
sive of what was to follow. The only agreeable inci- 
dent of the year was the visit of the Prince of Wales, 
then a youth of nineteen, travelling with his tutors. 
While he was in Canada he was invited to the States 
and to Washington by President Buchanan. He came 
earl}" in October, and was royally received throughout 
his journey, spending nearly a week at West Point, as 
the guest of Gen. Scott. 

After the election of Mr. Lincoln the seven Southern 
States which seceded, formed themselves into a confed- 
eracy and began preparation for war, electing Jefferson 
Davis of Mississippi for president, and Alexander H. 
Stevens for vice-president, Feb. 8, 1861. 

They also seized one or two United-States arsenals : 
and South Carolina, acting independently, sent com- 
missioners to Washington to demand the transfers of 
forts and other property in the Charleston Harbor, then 
belonging to the Federal Government. President 
Buchanan declined to treat with these commissioners, 
reiterating the views which he had expressed in his 
last message to Congress that it was unconstitutional 
for any State to secede from the Union, no matter what 
the cause. He declared that, while the Constitution 
gave him no power to coerce a sovereign State back into 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 423 

the Union, he had at least the right to defend Federal 
property from appropriation and confiscation. This he 
endeavored to do; and, on the 5th of January, 1861, 
the steamer " Star of the West " was sent from New 
York with two hundred and fifty troops, and supplies 
for Major Anderson at Fort Sumter ; but she war. 
fired upon from the batteries on the shore at Charleston, 
and was obliged to turn back. 

The great difficulty in the President's path was in 
the fact that the United States did not at the time pos- 
sess sufficiently available forces to protect its property 
or maintain its authority. The great body of the regu- 
lar army was scattered along the Pacific coast, with 
no railroads for its concentration and transportation. 
The navy was also scattered ; and, in view of some de- 
rogatory opinions (perhaps thoughtlessly expressed) 
concerning President Buchanan, it may be but just to 
suggest that he hesitated, before the first gun was fired, 
to do precisely what his successor hesitated even longer 
in doing : viz., to call upon the Northern States for vol- 
unteers to put down the secession. There were not a 
few to charge Mr. Buchanan with treachery to the 
Union and favoritism for secession. There were others 
who, for the time at least, regarded him incompetent to 
deal with so grave a crisis as that beginning in 1861. 
The first charge has long since been dismissed by all 
reasonable men in their cooler judgment ; and those 
who still think with the latter should remember that 
Mr. Buchanan was a statesman of the old school, over 
seventy years of age ; not a soldier, but a peace-loving 
citizen of the Republic, whose chief magistrate lie was 
at a most trying moment, and, most naturally, was 



424 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

unwilling to adopt measures which would plunge his 
country into the horrors of fratricidal war, without due 
deliberation and without a more than sufficiently hostile 
act on the part of the seceders. 

In his cabinet at the time of this last struggle were 
the able advisers and stanch Union men, John A. Dix, 
Edwin M. Stanton, Joseph Holt, and Jeremiah S. Black ; 
and it was by their advice, as well as his own, that 
he was guided at the time when he was most censured 
for his incompetency. It should also be remembered 
that President Buchanan must have been greatly em- 
barrassed and hampered by the action of the Southern 
members of his cabinet, — Messrs. Thompson, Floyd, 
and Cobb. Mr. Floyd was at the time Secretary of 
War, and aroused much resentment in the North against 
the administration by his act of sending large quanti- 
ties of munitions of war to the Federal arsenals in the 
Southern States, claiming that the South had never re- 
ceived its due proportion. It was Mr. Floyd, too, who 
sent the great body of the regular army to garrison dis- 
tant and inaccessible posts on the Western plains or 
to Texas, where they were subsequently surrendered to 
the Confederacy by the perfidious Gen. Twiggs. Had 
these troops been available at Washington at the time, 
it would have been possible for the President to re-en- 
force and perhaps to hold the United States forts on 
the Southern coasts, and thus to check the Rebellion ; 
while it is by all means probable that those who cen- 
sured him most for inaction would have considered him 
far from justified in calling out seventy-five thousand 
volunteers before any overt act had been committed, 
beyond the shouting of a convention of mad men, who 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 425 

cried themselves hoarse to prove they were out of the 
Union. 

Judging from the selection which Mr. Buchanan 
made to till in his cabinet the places of the Southern 
members resigned, and the patriotic action of the new 
body, it is by no means improbable that, had it fallen to 
the lot of Mr. Buchanan to be his own successor, he 
would not have taken energetic measures for the main- 
tenance of the Union, when at last the firing on Sum- 
ter gave the final signal for vigorous action. At all 
events he saved the National capital from the intended 
seizure by conspiring secessionists, and he turned it 
over to the new President, with all its governmental 
departments intact. 

During his administration Mr. Buchanan saw three 
new States added to the Union, — Minnesota, Oregon, 
and Kansas. The census showed an increase of eight 
millions in the population, and the financial statement 
exhibited a nation comparatively free from debt, and 
with a surplus in the Treasury. 

After Mr. Buchanan's retirement from office he re- 
turned to his home in Wheatland, where, though often 
much abused by political opponents, he still retained a 
vivid interest in his country's affairs, as is evidenced in 
many letters written in the course of his extended cor- 
respondence with the highest officials of the nation 
throughout the war. 

In 1866 he had the happiness of seeing his favorite 
niece, Miss Lane, whose home had been with him, mar- 
ried to Mr. Johnson of Baltimore. But the world with 
its interests gradually faded away, and the unknown 
future opened before him. He was never married, but 



426 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

his home was always the favorite resort of many friends 
and relatives. During his last illness there were with 
him the Rev. Dr. Buchanan, his brother ; Miss Buchanan, 
the doctor's daughter; and Mrs. Johnson, Mr. Henry, 
and the ever faithful Miss Hetty. Kind neighbors too 
wire at hand. The immediate cause of his death was 
rheumatic gout. It occurred on the morning o( June 
1, 1868, in his seventy-eighth year. The funeral obse- 
quies took place at Lancaster on the 4th of June; the 
sermon was preached by the Rev. -John \V. Nevin, 
D.D., president of Franklin and Marshall College. 
The remains of President Buchanan lie in a beautiful 
rural cemetery near the city of Lancaster, beneath a 
simple monument which records only the date of his 
birth and oi' his death, and the fact that he was the 
fifteenth President of the United States. 




Vs 



X- 



x 



\ 



v$ 






ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

The life of Abraham Lincoln is a most potent illus- 
tration of the fact that good parts make great actors. 
A typical American from boyhood to death, he started 
with nothing, utilizing every opportunity for advance- 
ment, and honestly earning a right to live forever 
enshrined in the heart of his country. 

The Republican party was born of public necessity 
during the administration of Washington and the elder 
Adams, and kept its organization and faith till 1833, 
when it was temporarily dissolved. Twenty-three years 
later it was re-formed for the defence of freedom of the 
person, of speech, and of the press, and for resistance 
to the usurpations resulting from the substitution of 
the Calhoun policy for that of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. The choice of Abraham Lincoln for Presi- 
dent marked the victory of the reformed party, and 
the immortal standard-bearer led them on to greater 
triumphs. 

The Lincolns originally came from England, settling 
in Hingham, Mass., about 1638 ; thence they moved 
to Pennsylvania; and, in 1782, again westward; till 
Abraham Lincoln, grandfather of the President, entered 

427 



428 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

four hundred acres of land on the south side of Licking 
Creek, under a government warrant, and built a log 
cabin near Fort Beargrass, the site of the present city 
of Louisville, Ky. In the second year of their Ken- 
tucky settlement, Abraham and one of his sons were at 
work in the field when waylaid by an Indian, who fired 
from ambush, and killed the father. Two elder sons 
were chopping wood in the forest near at hand. One 
of them ran for help, the other turned to the cabin, 
seized the ever-ready rifle, and, looking through one of 
the port-holes, he saw the Indian grasp his youngest 
brother, Tom, then only six years old, and start with 
him for the woods. Levelling the rifle, lie shot the 
Indian , and the boy, liberated by the death of his 
captor, sprang to his feet, and fled to the cabin ; thus, 
almost miraculously, the father of President Lincoln 
was saved from the Indians. 

In the wilderness of Kentucky there were few gleams 
of light ; no schools, and scanty means for acquiring 
even the art of reading and writing ; and here, in the 
rude life of the frontier, in ignorance and poverty, 
the father of President Lincoln grew to be a man. He 
was unable to read until after his marriage ; but to his 
credit it should be said that he resolved that no child 
of his should ever be crippled as he had been. He 
married Nancy Hanks, and took the young bride to a 
rude log cabin which he had built for himself near No] in 
Creek, in what is now Larue County, Ky. In this 
cabin, on the 12th of February, 1809, Abraham Lincoln 
was born. While he was yet an infant, the family 
removed to another log cabin not far distant, nnd in 
these two Lincoln spent the first seven years of his life. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 429 

His mother was a woman of great force of character, 
and passionately fond of reading. President Lincoln 
often said of her. that his earliest recollections of his 
mother were of sitting at her feet, and listening to the 
tales and legends that she read. She was also a skilful 
hunter, and with her rifle more than once brought 
down the bear and deer, while with her hands she 
dressed the flesh and prepared it for the family table, 
and wrought garments for the family from the skins. 

When Abraham Lincoln was in his seventh year, 
Zachariah Riney moved into the neighborhood, and the 
lad was sent to school to him. Riney was a Catholic, 
however, and the Protestant children attending his 
humble school were withdrawn whenever any religious 
exercises were held. A little later he had the oppor- 
tunity of being taught by Caleb Hazel for three months. 
Lincoln was a full-grown lad when he first saw a church ; 
and his first notion of public speaking was taken from 
the itinerant preacher, Parson Elkin, who now and 
then passed their way. 

Thomas Lincoln being of a somewhat unsettled 
nature, like many another pioneer, thought that lie 
saw better advantages farther west ; and listening to 
the wonderful tales of rich soil, abundant game, fine 
timber, and good -pasturage in Indiana, he resolved to 
go West. He found a new-comer who was willing 
to take his partly improved farm and log cabin for ten 
barrels of whiskey and twenty dollars in cash. Aided 
by his boys lie built a flat-boat, and launched it upon 
Rolling Fork, which empties into the Ohio, loaded 
his ten barrels of whiskey and heavier articles of fur- 
niture upon it, and floated off down the Ohio ; but 



430 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the frail craft upset, and with what little could be 
saved from the wreck, Thomas Lincoln landed at 
Thompson's Ferry, and there found an ox-cart to trans- 
port him with his slender stock of valuables to Spencer 
( lounty, Ind., about eighteen miles from the river. 
The children, left at home with their mother, attended 
school, and snared game for the family table. One 
bed-ticking filled with dried forest leaves sufficed for 
their rest at night, and early in the morning the future 
President was out chopping wood for the day's fire. 

At last the father returned, and the long journey to 
Indiana was undertaken. At night they slept on the 
fragrant pine-twigs, and by day they plodded on their 
way toward the Ohio River. By all sorts of expedients 
the little family contrived to get from one home to the 
other, where, on a grassy knoll in the heart of the un- 
trodden forest, they fixed upon the site of their future 
dwelling. A hunter's camp was all that could be built 
to shelter them during their first winter. One side was 
entirely open, except as it was screened with the half- 
dressed skins of wild animals. Here the future Presi- 
dent spent his first winter in the State of Indiana. 

Thorns were used for pins in his home; bits of bone 
covered with cloth did duty for buttons; crusts of rye- 
bread, well burned, were substituted for coffee; the 
dried leaves of sundry native herbs took the place of 
tea. Corn-whiskey tempered with water was a common 
drink of the country, and one of the readiest forms of 
business currency. There were no neighbors to drop 
in with friendly gossip, no boats to vex the waters of 
the western rivers. Even when one of the settlers 
of that region knew how to write, it would require 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 431 

months sometimes for his letter to reach the eastern 
world ; and only as a faint echo now and then came 
a whisper of politics and national affairs. 

James Madison was the President of the United 
States, and the country was greatly disturbed over the 
admission of Missouri, the extension of slavery, and 
other matters of great moment , but little or none of 
the excitement ever reached the log cabin. Through 
the winter Abraham Lincoln aided his father in felling 
logs for a more substantial cabin ; and in the spring all 
the available neighbors were convened, the logs were 
rolled out of the woods, and one by one fitted into their 
places in the shape of four walls. Gables were fixed in 
position with wooden pins, and the log cabin was com- 
plete. The floor was the solid ground, and the cracks 
between the logs were " chinked " with thin strips of 
wood. No wonder that little " Abe " mastered the art 
of splitting rails, and imbibed a knowledge of woodcraft 
which clung to him forever. 

During their first year in Indiana the mother was 
stricken down by hard work, exposure, and continual 
anxiety, and died on the 5th of October. There were 
no funeral ceremonies, for there was no one to conduct 
them ; but long after, when the spot where she lay was 
covered with the wreck of the forest and almost hidden, 
her son was wont to say, " All that I am or hope to be. 
I owe to my mother." 

Boys of the present age, turning languidly over the 
piles of books at their command, would wonder at 
the little stock that made Abraham Lincoln's heart 
glad in those sad times. His library consisted of the 
Bible, '-iEsop's Fables, 1 ' and " Pilgrim's Progress."' On 



432 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEJSTTS. 

these three his literary tastes were formed. He read 
the books till he could repeat from memory many 
chapters of the Bible, the most striking passages of 
Bunyan's story, and every one of iEsop's fables. Then 
he secured a copy of the lives and characters of eminent 
men, and from the day when he first read the biography 
of the great Kentuckian, Lincoln dated his undying 
admiration for Henry Clay. Then he obtained Ramsay's 
" Life of Washington /' and hearing of another "Life 
of Washington," 1 written by Weerns, he made a long 
journey to borrow it, and joyfully carried it home in 
the bosom of his hunting-shirt. A storm at night 
washed through the chinks of the logs in the cabin, and 
damaged the book, and with a heavy heart he carried 
it back to Mr. Crawford, who had loaned it to him. 
He offered to. do any thing in settlement which Mr. 
Crawford thought fair and just, and it was finally 
agreed that Abe should "pull fodder *' for three days 
for Mr. Crawford. 

"Does that pay for the book, or for the damage done 
to it?" asked the boy, taking his first lesson in worldly 
wisdom. Mr. Crawford "allowed'' that he had con- 
sidered the book practically worthless, and that the 
work paid for it, so that it became the first book that 
Abraham Lincoln purchased , and discolored and blis- 
tered though it was, it was to him of incalculable 
value. 

In the autumn of 1819 Thomas Lincoln went off into 
Kentucky, leaving the children to take care of them- 
selves; but in December lie returned, bringing a new 
mother for them, and a store of what to the children of 
the wilderness seemed a gorgeous array of housekeeping 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 433 

utensils ; a table, chairs, a bureau, crockery, knives, 
forks, and other incidentals, which to-day are considered 
the necessaries of life ; but which, until then, the Lincoln 
family had lived without. The new mother and her 
stepson became fast friends from the start, and she said 
of him afterward, "He never gave me a cross word or 
look, and never refused in fact or appearance to do any 
thing that I requested of him/' From this time, matters 
began to look brighter in the Lincoln family. Neigh- 
bors became more abundant, and the school, with its 
coveted facilities for obtaining knowledge, was within 
reach. 

At the age of seventeen, an accident led Lincoln 
into the vicinity of Booneville. There hearing that one 
of the famous Breckinridges of Kentucky was to speak 
for the defence in a murder trial, he went on to Boone- 
ville, and in dumb wonder listened to the first im- 
portant speech which he had ever heard. Lincoln 
could not restrain himself; and as the eminent lawyer 
passed out of the court-house, he found himself inter- 
cepted by a tall, over-grown youth, awkward, horny- 
handed, and evidently of the poorer class, who timidly 
held out his hand to him. But the aristocratic Breck- 
inridge stared in surprise at the intrusive stranger, and 
hastily passed without further notice the future Presi- 
dent of the United States. The boy had learned a 
grand lesson in oratory, however, and he was as grateful 
to Breckinridge for it as he would have been had the 
great man been as gracious to him then as he was years 
afterward, when he was reminded by the President in 
Washington of the little incident in Boonville. From 
that moment his enthusiasm for speech-making knew 



484 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

no bounds. His father was at last obliged to interfere, 
and forbid his making speeches during work hours. 
The old man grumbled, " When Abe begins to speak. 
all hands stop work to hear him." 

In every possible sense of the word, at twenty years 
of age, Abraham Lincoln was a self-made man. What 
he had learned, he had learned by himself; what he 
knew, he knew with absolute accuracy.. Self-taught, 
self-dependent, self-reliant. 

In the spring of 1830 the entire family made another 
move to the West, across the prairies to Illinois, near 
to the village of Decatur. The entire outfit consisted 
of one wagon, drawn by four oxen, and driven by 
Abraham Lincoln. When at last the family were well 
settled upon the new ground, young Lincoln determined 
that it was time for him to strike out for himself. He 
was twenty-one years old. and able and anxious to earn 
his own living. He engaged himself with a party that 
was taking a Hat-boat loaded with produce down the 
river to New Orleans. Thus he visited the land of 
slavery, and saw its peculiar institutions, and thus he 
formed his first opinions of slavery, lie succeeded so 
well with the cargo that the owner employed him to 
take charge of a country store at New Salem, 111. 
where he at once established himself as a great favorite. 

Up to this time. Mr. Lincoln had never held any 
office except that of an occasional clerk of an election ; 
but in the spring of 1832 he found himself out of busi- 
ness, the store at New Salem having been closed, and 
he resolved to become a candidate for representative to 
the Legislature. He was a pronounced Whig, follow- 
ing in the footsteps of his idol, Henry (lay. Before 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 435 

the election, however, there was a call for volunteers to 
repel the hostile Indians, and Lincoln was among Hie 
first to volunteer. At the head of a party of Sangamon 
County men, he made his way to Gen. Atchinson's head- 
quarters, where he was appointed captain of a company. 
The campaign was short and decisive. Mr. Lincoln 
reached, his home again, with only ten days remaining 
in which to make his canvass for the seat in the Legis- 
lature to which he aspired. He received a. majority of 
the votes in his own precinct, hut he lost the election. 
Having now no further occupation, he borrowed every 
book on law that he could find, and. amused himself and 
his neighbors by drawing up imaginary deeds, wills, 
and conveyances ; and neighbors soon began applying 
to him for advice and assistance in selling and mort- 
gaging real estate. His fees were usually the necessities 
of life, turned over to the family with whom he boarded. 
Soon he was undertaking small cases on trial before the 
justices of the peace. An old judge said of him that, 
"When Lincoln argued, he inevitably gave the impres- 
sion that he sincerely believed every word he said.'" 
Surveying, too, occupied his leisure moments, and maps 
of land surveyed by Lincoln still show a neatness and 
semblance of accuracy that testify to the rigid care he 
exercised in all his work. 

In 1833 Lincoln was appointed postmaster at New 
Salem. The revenues were small; and, as tin; popular 
saying ran, "Lincoln carried the post-office in his hat." 
He said of himself, that he took the office on account of 
the weekly papers coming through the mail, which he 
scrupulously read before they were called for. 

In 1844 he again became candidate for the Legisla- 



436 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

ture. This time he was elected. He was now twenty- 
five years old. The capital was then at Vandalia. 
Clad in a suit of not especially elegant blue jeans, 
Lincoln, with his commanding height, was a marked 
figure in the Legislature. During the first session, he 
introduced few bills, but he narrowly observed what 
other men were doing in this direction ; and while he 
said little, he took in every thing, and thought a great 
deal. The next year he was re-elected. In his appeal 
to his constituents he said, " I go for all sharing the 
privileges of the Government who assist in bearing its 
burdens. I go for admitting all whites to the right of 
suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms, by no means 
excluding; females." At this second session of the 
Legislature he put himself on record for the first time 
as opposed to the farther extension of the system of 
American slavery. 

In 1837 Lincoln went to Springfield, the new capital 
of the State, where he established himself in the prac- 
tice of law, and there he remained till his election 
for the presidency. He rode into town on a borrowed 
horse, all his earthly possessions packed in a pair of 
saddle-bags fastened to the crupper of his saddle. He 
wanted to hire a room, and furnish it with the barest- 
necessities, but found that the aggregate cost of these 
was seventeen dollars. To the storekeeper Mr. Lincoln 
said sadly, " It is cheap enough, but cheap as it is, I 
have not the money to pay for it. If you will give me 
credit, until Christmas, and my experiment here is a 
success, I will pay you then. If I fail, I shall probably 
never be able to pay you." 

The storekeeper, somewhat impressed, replied that 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 437 

he had a large double bed in his own room, which 
Lincoln was welcome to share with him if he chose ; 
and thus he settled in his new quarters in the capital 
of Illinois. In April he formed a partnership with John 
T. Stuart of Springfield, which continued till 1841, 
when he associated himself with Stephen T. Logan. In 
1843 the law firm of Abraham Lincoln and William 
H. Herndon was formed, and the co-partnership was 
not dissolved until the death of Lincoln in 1865. 

As a lawyer, Mr. Lincoln proved the value of those 
qualities which had won for him the title of "honest 
Abe*" while he was a storekeeper. In 1839 there was 
a remarkable debate in the Illinois Legislature, in which 
Stephen A. Douglas, John Calhoun, Josiah Lamborn 
and Jesse B. Thomas were upon one side; and Stephen 
T. Logan, Edward D. Barker, Orville H. Browning, and 
Abraham Lincoln upon the other side. During the 
debate, one of the speakers taunted the other side upon 
the hopelessness of its case and the fewness of its num- 
bers. In replying, Lincoln said, " Address that argu- 
ment to cowards and knaves. It may be true ; if it 
must, let it. Many free countries have lost their liberty, 
and ours may lose hers. But if she shall, let it be my 
proudest plume not that I was the last to desert her, 
but that I never deserted her." 

In 1840 the country was deeply stirred by the presi- 
dential campaign. Martin Van Buren stood for the 
Democrats, Gen. William H. Harrison for the Whigs. 
Lincoln was one of the electors on the Harrison ticket, 
and he took a lively interest in the canvass, making 
speeches and going on long expeditions for the sake of 
his candidate. 



438 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

While living in New Salem, he had become tenderly 
attached to a young lady of that village, Miss Ann 
Rutledge, who died before his prospects in Springfield 
guaranteed their marriage. In 1840 there came to 
Springfield from Kentucky a Miss Todd, daughter of 
Robert Todd, who was courted and flattered by all the 
young men in Springfield, and soon made the acquaint- 
ance, of Abraham Lincoln, then regarded as "a rising 
man." To her Mr. Lincoln became engaged. There 
was a misunderstanding between the two at one time, 
and he offered to release her, which offer, however, she 
declined: and the couple were married Nov. 4, 1840, 
and took lodgings in the Globe Tavern, a modest board- 
ing-place, not far from the Slate House. The cost, as 
Lincoln said afterward, was four dollars a week for 
board and lodging. The log-cabin and hard-cider cam- 
paign having terminated to Mr. Lincoln's satisfaction, 
he spent the first winter of his married life happily as 
well as busily, finding time to write and deliver a most 
earnest temperance address, expressive of sentiments 
which he held throughout his life : for never, to the day 
of his death, could lie be persuaded to partake of spirits 
or wine. 

Ex-President Van Buren, against whom Lincoln had 
fought so vigorously in the campaign, became storm- 
bound in a little village not far from Springfield : and 
several of his friends in Springfield hearing of the fact, 
made up a party, generously provided with provisions, 
hi go to him, and persuaded Mr. Lincoln to accompany 
them. Of this visit, Mr. Van Buren afterward said 
that with Mr. Lincoln he was surprised and delighted; 
the onlv drawback being that his sides were sore for 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 439 

a week thereafter, from laughing at Mr. Lincoln's 

stories. 

Lincoln had long desired to go to Congress ; but it so 
happened that all his best friends were equally anxious 
to go, and from the same district. On one occasion, 
having himself been a candidate for nomination, Lincoln 
was elected as a delegate to the nominating- convention, 
and was instructed to vote for Baker. Of the predica- 
ment he good-naturedly said, " I am lixed like the 
fellow who was made groomsman to the man who cut 
him out and was marrying his girl.". The greatest 
political disappointment of his life, however, was when 
his idol, Henry Clay, was defeated, and James K. Polk 
elected in 1844. For once Lincoln's political expecta- 
tions were overwhelmed. 

In 1846 Lincoln was at last nominated for Congress, 
and carried the election by a most unusual majority. 
He took his seat Dec. (5, 1847. One of his first acts in 
Congress was a masterly speech reviewing the causes of 
the Mexican war, and severely arraigning the Adminis- 
tration for its persistance in the matter of annexing 
Texas, and thus involving the country. 

In Congress, Lincoln was associated with Webster, 
Lewis Cass, John A. DiX, J. C. Calhoun, Jefferson 
Davis, Stephen A. Douglas, John Quincy Adams, Caleb 
Smith, John Palfrey, Robert C. Winthrop, Andrew 
Jackson. Alexander H. Stevens, Robert Toombs, Howell 
Cobb, and many others famous in the stormy times 
then making ready in the far distance. In this illus- 
trious company Lincoln very soon became recognized 
as a man of marked ability. 

Speaking of him long afterward, Alexander H. 



440 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Stevens, then Vice-President of the Southern Con- 
federacy, said, " Lincoln always attracted and riveted 
the attention of the House when he spoke. His man- 
ner of speech as well as thought was original. He was 
a man of strong convictions, and what Carlyle would 
have called an earnest man. He abounded in anec- 
dotes ; he illustrated every thing he was talking about 
with an anecdote, always exceedingly apt and pointed, 
and socially always kept his company in a roar of 
laughter." 

Lincoln was a delegate to the Whig convention that 
nominated Gen. Taylor, and as soon as the Congres- 
sional recess began, he went at once to New England 
where he took the stump for his candidate. Into this 
campaign he carried the same thoroughness which he 
had always shown, and the same ambition to utilize 
every thing to the best advantage. In a letter to his 
law partner, Mr. Herndon, lie said, "Let every one 
play the part he can play best. Some can speak, some 
can sing, and all can halloo."' 

The election of 1848 gave Gen. Taylor a decided 
majorit} r : and there was great excitement and exulta- 
tion manifest concerning it, for the satisfaction felt all 
over the North that the election of Taylor would some- 
how prevent the extension of slavery. 

Matters in Congress were decidedly changed. Lin- 
coln and the Whigs were no longer in the hopeless 
minority. It was Mr. Lincoln who now introduced (he 
bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but 
it excited a storm of opposition so great, that it never 
came to a vote ; and when Congress adjourned. Mr. 
Lincoln's term of office being out, he went to his home 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 441 

in Illinois not to return till he should come as the great 
emancipator of slavery throughout the length and 
breadth of the Republic. 

He was offered the position of governor of the Terri- 
tory of Oregon, but he declined it ; feeling, doubtless, 
that he had greater work to do on this side of the 
Rocky Mountains. 

Robert Todd, Mr. Lincoln's eldest son, was born in 
1843 , Edward Baker, the second, was born in 1846 ; 
William Wallace, the third, was born in 1850 ; and 
Thomas, the fourth, in 1853. Of these, Robert, the 
eldest, Secretary of War under Garfield and Arthur, is 
the sole survivor of the family. 

After returning to Springfield, Mr. Lincoln again 
devoted himself to his legal business, in many ways 
increasing his popularity, and strengthening the reputa- 
tion for honesty and integrity which had gone with 
him throughout his life. After his death, Judge Drum- 
mond of Chicago said of him, " I have no hesitation in 
saying that he was one of the ablest lawyers I ever 
knew. With a voice by no means pleasant, without 
any of the graces of the orator, without much in the 
outward man indicating superiority of intellect, his 
mind was so vigorous, his comprehension so exact and 
clear, his judgment so sure, that he easily mastered the 
intricacies of his profession, and became one of the 
ablest reasoners and impressive speakers at our bar. 
He always tried a case fairly and honestly, and never 
intentionally misrepresented the evidence of a witness, 
or the argument of an opponent."* 

To the end of his life Mr. Lincoln adhered to the 
old-fashioned pronunciation of many familiar words. 



442 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

"Chair" was always "cheer," and "legislature," " legis- 
latur." 

In October, 1854, the storm of war over slavery broke 
out again in Douglas's Kansas-Nebraska bill. The 
entire North was against him. He hastened to Illinois, 
confident that with his crafty logic and audacious decla- 
mation he could convince the people there that his bill 
did not contain the pernicious and destructive influences 
which were credited to it ; but in Chicago, his constit- 
uents refused to hear him. The walls were placarded 
with angry words, and angry denunciations were heaped 
upon him. He went on to Springfield; the annual State 
fair was to be held there, and he grasped the oppor- 
tunity. It was noised abroad that Douglas was to 
speak in justification of his course, and in defence of 
the Kansas-Nebraska bill. By common consent, all 
eyes were turned to Lincoln as the man best qualified 
to answer the plausible and overbearing senator from 
Illinois. Douglas began his defence. He was the 
Democratic leader of the West, and the acknowledged 
head of his party in the North ; so much so, that 
people had even begun to call themselves Douglas- 
Democrats. This must be his supreme effort, or he 
would lose his hold in his own State and in his party. 

On the next day Lincoln replied to it. The sensa- 
tion produced was so convincing, so powerful in its 
logic, so tremendous in its array of facts and arguments, 
that it was indescribable. At last the lion had been 
roused. Lincoln rose to the occasion, and spoke as he 
never spoke before. The enthusiasm of his audience 
was raised to a high pitch. The Springfield Journal, 
in reporting the speech, said, 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 443 

" The crowd approved the glorious triumph of truth 
by loud and long continued huzzas. The women waved 
their handkerchiefs. At the conclusion of the speech, 
every man felt that it was unanswerable ; that no 
human power could overthrow it or trample it under 
foot ; and every mind present did homage to the man 
who took captive the heart, and broke like a sun over 
the understanding." 

At the close of Lincoln's speech, Douglas, excited 
and angry, took the platform, and said that he had been 
abused, and would continue his address in the evening. 
When evening came, however, Douglas was not there, 
and the promised remarks were not made. A few days 
later the two spoke at Peoria, with the same result. 
At the close, Douglas said to Lincoln, " You have here 
and at Springfield given me more trouble than all the 
opposition in the Senate combined."' 

In 1856 a convention was held in Bloomington, 
111., of men opposed to the Kansas-Nebraska measure. 
Mr. Lincoln was summoned to the mass-meeting and 
said, "In building our new party, let us make the 
corner-stone the Declaration of Independence. Let us 
build on this rock, and the gates of hell shall not 
prevail against us ! " Of Mr. Lincoln's address to the 
convention, all that remains is the report of those who 
heard it. One who was present says, w * Never was an 
audience so completely electrified by human eloquence. 
Again and again they sprang to their feet and upon the 
benches." Similar proceedings took place in other 
States ; and thus the Republican party was born to meet 
in its first National convention in Philadelphia, June 
17, 1856, when Freanont was nominated for President 
and Dayton of New Jersey for Vice-President. 



444 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

The Democratic convention nominated James 
Buchanan of Pennsylvania for President, and John C. 
Breckinridge of Kentucky for Vice-President. Again 
Lincoln took an active cart in the campaign. In the 
election, James Buchanan received the majority of votes, 
but the fight between freedom and slavery still went 
on; and in L858 Lincoln and Douglas were again pitted 
against each other. Douglas's senatorial term was draw- 
ing to a close, and the Republicans of Illinois nominated 
Mr. Lincoln to till the vacancy. The Democrats of the 
State nominated Mr. Doug-las to succeed himself. Lin- 
coln realized that this was to he a mighty struggle. 
None hotter than he, knew how tender the people of 
Illinois yet were on the subject of slavery, and how 
afraid they were of the epithet of "abolitionist." When 
the memorable debate began. Lincoln and Douglas were 
in full maturity of their physical and intellectual powers. 
Douglas was forty-five, Lincoln was forty-nine. Douglas 
was small of stature, with long and grizzly hair, and 
called by his admirers the "little giant of Illinois." 
Lincoln was almost herculean in build. His head was 
massive, poised on a long neck, with stiff and obstinate 
hair, thai usually >.t«>od up in irregular waves. 

Two important topics were before the country for 
these two men to dismiss, — the Died Scott decision and 
the struggle in Kansas. In Douglas's speech he had inti- 
mated that Lincoln was in favor of a complete equality 
of the white and black races, which sentiment, in those 
days, was sufficient to draw upon any one a rousing 
mob, even from among his own constituency. In his 
reply. Lincoln said. "I protest, now and forever, 
against that counterfeit logic which presumes that. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 445 

because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I do 
necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is, 
that I need not have her for either ; but, as God has 
made us separate, we can leave one another alone, and 
do each much good thereby." 

Lincoln tried to persuade the " little giant "' to a 
joint canvass of the State, to which Douglas objected 
at first, but at last consented to a joint debate at seven 
different points. In this debate, Lincoln travelled in 
an unostentatious and inexpensive manner. Douglas 
moved from point to point on a special train, accom- 
panied by a brass band and cannon. Everybody felt 
that, to use a common expression of the country, Lin- 
coln was getting the best of Douglas; and by his 
manner, Douglas sometimes showed that he thought 
so too. In Charlestown, 111., for instance, during 
Lincoln's speech, Douglas left his seat, and, watch in 
hand, paced up and down the rear of the platform, 
behind the speaker, greatly agitated, with his long. 
grizzly hair waving behind him ; and the instant that 
the hands of his watch marked the moment for Lincoln 
to stop, he turned the timepiece toward the speaker, 
and eagerly cried, "Sit down, Lincoln, sit down ; your 
time is up."' Turning a good-natured face toward 
Douglas, Lincoln calmly replied, "1 will, I will quit ; 
I believe my time is up." A deep voice from some one 
at no great distance added, " Yes, Douglas has had 
enough. It is time you let up on him." 

As the result of several peculiar conditions, the Legis- 
lative vote was cast for Douglas; though the popular 
vote was 126,000 for Lincoln, and 121,000 for Douglas. 
Lincoln had won a great moral victory, and had made for 



I 16 i iv ks OF tmk \ rs. 

idure, YYhe - by « 
I I when &d l\v (ho 

d that he fell 
toy who I stub : 

Nothing, h 

v> uler tamo than tin 
- 
\ \; i was im the East 

. V'\\ > 01 k, Feb, I. I860, 
\ tho fou ' tho 

5 

V\ ' w • \ hold 

bv th ; : . did inuoh toward the compromise 

i a slant time . 

rhe -\ was in a ferment, Tho 

South was hing, and there was 

\ \ Antagonisms were engendered, 

s, that th N« oxal conventions in 

©turbulent. The first convention was. 

. v > C Cushing ami Benjamin F. 

■ there. >' 

s was . 1 for President, and Her* 

schel Johnson o \ President. On 

May 16, the Republican convention assembled in 

- were man) W lliam 1 1 Seward, 

I uneron, S. P, Chase, Edwa William 

M. Dayton, were all pushed forward bv their 

Sev vd precluded 

e from Ne^ Vork, but he seoured 

pportunitv to aot as delegate from Oregon, In 

of Mr. G - opposition, however, Mr. 

ed at ton to one against 

the field, 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 447 

Willi considerable temper,dii ati faction, and discon- 
tent, the convention began its work. The Seward men 
were confident of success, but the convention's action 
urn i be the hinge on which the history of the country 
should turn. The hall was packed to the verge of 
suffocation. Leading men from North and South, from 
I-., i i and West, were there; all with their individual 
preferences. When nominations were in order, Seward. 
Cameron, Chase, Bates, Dayton, McLane, and Colla- 
more were introduci d. The moment had almost arrived 
for ballotting, when Uncle Je -<■ Harper of Illinoi . a 
tall, gaunt figure clad in rusty black, ro e, and put in 
nomination Abraham Lincoln, the rail- plitter. Ji may 
sal'i-h be said thai to the astonishment of every dele- 
gate, the first ballol tood William II. Seward, one 
hundred and seventy-three and a half; Abraham Lin- 
coln, one hundred and two; with the other fift) or 
below. On the third ballot, Lincoln received two 
hundred and thirty-one and a half votes, and shortly 
afterward his nomination wa fed. William M. 

Evarl - made the motion that the nomination of Abraham 
Lincoln be made unanimou ;thiswa econded by John 
A. Andrew of Massachusetts. The tickel was com- 
pleted by the nomination of lion. Hannibal Hamlin of 
Maine. There were four tickets in the field. Douglas 
al the head of one; Breckinridge, another ; John Bell, a 
third; and Abraham Lincoln, the fourth. 

A more exciting campaign was never known. Kami 

i, were separated bj sentiment; friendships 

were broken, social relations were evered ; trade, 

commerce, and the industries of the en-tire country 

seemed to be paralyzed. If Lincoln were to be elected, 



448 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

every one foresaw that the Union would be broken. 
Never was there a more bitter contest than that waged 
by the several parties seeking the election of their can- 
didates. 

Thus Lincoln stood for the verdict not of his own town, 
county, or State Legislature, but of his country. The 
nation is familiar with him to-day, but only those who 
knew him best really knew him at all. Thousands of 
men, even then, were familiar with " Abe," but no man 
was ever intentionally rude a second time to Abraham 
Lincoln. He was gentleness and courtesy personified. 
He was a natural born man ; strong in will and purpose, 
tenacious of opinions, courteous to opponents. 

The result of the campaign gave Mr. Lincoln 180 
electoral votes ; the remaining 123 were divided be- 
tween his three opponents. A Republican President 
had been elected to face a large majority against him 
in the House of Representatives, a strong opposition in 
the Supreme Court and in the Senate, with a task 
before him such as no mortal man had ever had before, 
and none since his day. 

Between the 6th of November, 1860, and the 4th of 
March, 1861, when Lincoln was at last inaugurated, 
were months pregnant with trouble, with national dis- 
turbance, with lack of confidence, and conflicting politi- 
cal ideas. Party feeling ran high throughout the nation. 
Toward one man all eyes were looking. Abraham 
Lincoln in his quiet Illinois home was the hinge upon 
which the mighty events were turning. What would 
lie do? He had not uttered one word concerning the 
condition of affairs since the day of his election. The 
one man to whom all turned was silent. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 449 

In February he left for Washington, as it was deemed 
expedient that he should be there some time before 
inauguration. Thousands gathered at the station in 
Springfield, but his parting words had nothing of poli- 
tics. They were, "A duty devolves upon me which is 
greater, perhaps, than that which has devolved upon 
any other man since the days of Washington. He 
would not have succeeded except for the aid of Divine 
Providence, upon which he at all times relied. Feeling 
that I cannot succeed without the same Divine aid 
which sustained him, in the same Almighty Being I 
place my reliance for support." The progress to Wash- 
ington was eventful, and might easily have been made 
one of the utmost excitement ; but it would be difficult 
to conceive of a more considerate course, and one more 
conciliatory than that pursued by Mr. Lincoln from the 
beginning to the end. A great-hearted, honest-minded, 
clear-eyed man, taken by the strong hand of popular 
will from the calm quiet of his Western circuit, and 
placed at the helm of the country, a target for every 
eye, for every tongue, and possibly for every bullet, 
— such was Abraham Lincoln, as he waited for the 4th 
of March. The Government at this fearful crisis was 
to be turned over to Republican administrators by the 
Democratic hands which had controlled it so loner. 
Hours before the time for the inauguration ceremonies, 
scores of thousands of anxious men were massed in 
front of the House of Representatives. In the Senate 
chamber Hannibal Hamlin took the oath of office of 
Vice-President, and assumed his chair as presiding 
officer of the Senate, administering the oath to the 
newly elected senators, then superintending the forming 



450 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

of the procession to the platform where the presidential 
inauguration was to be held. The oath of office being 
administered by the venerable chief justice, Robert B. 
Taney, President Lincoln stepped to the front. 

Horace Greeley said of the inaugural address, " I sat 
just behind Lincoln when he read it, on a bright, warm, 
still March day, expecting to hear the delivery arrested 
by the crack of a rifle aimed at his heart ; but it pleased 
God to postpone the deed, though there was forty times 
the opportunity to shoot him in '61 that there was in 
'65, and at least forty times as many intent on killing 
or having him killed." 

The address produced a profound impression. Its 
affectionate interest and peaceful tendency affected the 
Northern public, but not the South. He treated all 
the secession acts as a farce. His manner, always 
earnest, and suggestive of absolute honesty, was never 
more earnest, never more suggestive ; and the cheers 
of fifty thousand listeners rose and echoed, pregnant 
and significant, at the close. 

The die was cast ; and accompanied by Mr. Buchanan, 
the President entered the carriage, and drove to the 
White House. 

Two great troubles faced Mr. Lincoln at the outset, 
— office-seekers and the impending war. He deter- 
mined, if possible, to have one or two Southern men of 
prominence in his cabinet, and not to disturb any per- 
sons then in office who had proved themselves honest 
and competent servants ; a line of policy which irritated 
many of his friends, it being so contrary to the practice 
of the time. His first duty was the formation of a 
cabinet. William H. Seward was chosen Secretary of 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 451 

State; Simon Cameron, Secretary of War; Salmon P. 
Chase, Secretary of the Treasury ; Gideon Welles, Sec- 
retary of the Navy ; Montgomery Blair, Postmaster- 
General ; Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior ; 
Edward Bates, Attorney-General. They represented 
a great variety of political sentiment and opinion, and 
did not always agree. Mr. Lincoln sometimes face- 
tiously referred to his cabinet as " The Happ}^ Family." 

Two commissioners appeared at the White House 
shortly after the President was installed, as emissaries 
from the seceded States. Mr. Lincoln refused to see 
them ; but with a certain grim humor, he sent them a 
copy of his inaugural address. Then the first gun was 
fired upon Fort Sumter, and the threatened war be- 
came a reality. Up to that moment there had been 
many loyal persons who were doubtful as to the right 
of the national Government to coerce a State, but in 
an instant all this was swept away. The flag of the 
Union had been insulted, and the universal cry was for 
revenge. On the second day after this first shot, Lin- 
coln issued his call for seventy-five thousand troops, 
and both Houses of Congress were summoned to meet 
at the national capital, July 4, 1861. 

The governor of Delaware responded very doubtfully 
to this call for troops. The governor of Maryland 
seconded the call for soldiers only to serve within the 
limits of the State. The governor of Virginia de- 
nounced the call and the President altogether, and 
defied the Administration in bitter terms ; the governor 
of North Carolina replied in a similar vein. The gov- 
ernor of Kentucky made answer that that State would 
furnish no troops ; so did the governors of Tennessee 



452 LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS. 

and Arkansas. The governor of Missouri replied, 
" Your requisition is illegal, unconstitutional, revolu- 
tionary, inhuman, diabolical, and cannot be complied 
with." Massachusetts was the first State to respond, 
with four regiments, within forty-eight hours after the 
proclamation had been received. Governor Sprage of 
Rhode Island placed himself at the head of a thousand 
infantry and a battalion of artillery, and marched to 
Washington. A Pennsylvania regiment was the first 
to reach the national capital. In the North-west, where 
Lincoln was idolized, the rush to arms was wonderful. 
Ohio's quota was thirteen thousand men ; but within 
a week after the call was issued seventy-one thousand 
had offered their services. Lincoln called for seventy- 
five thousand men ; and in response five hundred thou- 
sand sprang to arms, notwithstanding the vindictive 
messages which he had received from several of the 
governors. 

The attack upon the " Sixth Massachusetts," in pass- 
ing through Baltimore, added to the indignation at the 
North ; and the President found his arms strengthened 
by constantly increasing approbation. Stephen A. 
Douglas, too, proved one of his warmest, most enthu- 
siastic, and devoted friends until his death, which 
occurred on the 3d of June following the inauguration. 

Thus Mr. Lincoln, alternately upheld and denounced, 
perplexed, burdened with doubt and uncertainty, beset 
with multitudinous counsel differing and opposing, 
found himself without any consistent, sustaining hand, 
when the buttle of Bull Run was fought, and the 
Southern army fled in precipitate confusion toward 
Richmond, believing itself upon the eve of annihilation, 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN". 453 

and the Northern army ran furiously back to Washing- 
ton, every moment anticipating overwhelming destruc- 
tion. Nothing was gained by it but the knowledge 
that neither the North nor the South was prepared. 
After that, however, the war began in earnest. 

Complications with foreign powers arose. The British 
Government was guilty of many unfriendly acts, if noth- 
ing more. The national capital was filled with plun- 
derers, fortunes were made in a day, imperial revenues 
were poured into the laps of favored contractors. Gen- 
erals not in political favor were hampered and crippled ; 
but of the dire necessities of the times, many inventions 
were born which resulted favorably. Out of the com- 
plications grew the greater desires, aims, and ambitions 
of the war, till on Jan. 1, 1863, the first causes and 
motives wholly forgotten in the later details, President 
Lincoln issued a proclamation of emancipation, ordering 
and declaring that all persons held as slaves should 
thenceforward be free ; and pledging the Government 
of the United States, with all its military and naval 
power, to a recognition and maintenance of the freedom 
of the emancipated people. On the 8th of June, 1864, 
President Lincoln was nominated for his second term 
by the Republicans, and Gen. MacClellan by the 
Democrats. 

For a time the slow manoeuvres and halting delays 
of the army of the Potomac had not only kept the 
President in a state of constant anxiety, but plunged 
every loyal element of the country into the deepest 
gloom, both in the front and in the homes. All in vain 
had the President endeavored to force action. One 
disaster had followed another, but the turning-point 



454 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

had come in 1863. The wave of tumultuous joy had 
swept over the North when Vicksburg fell. Lincoln's 
action in promoting and supporting Grant, though de- 
rided and scoffed at the start, — as he was for almost 
every action throughout the first four years, — proved 
its wisdom in the end. The army of the Potomac had 
covered itself with glory at Gettysburg ; Gen. Sherman 
and Gen. Sheridan, too, had come to the front. The 
disturbed politicians in the Republican party, who had 
fought against the re-nomination of President Lincoln, 
had been quieted and overcome. The campaign and 
subsequent election gave him the justification of his 
country. The overwhelming majority by which he 
was re-elected was a substantial guarantee and indorse- 
ment ; but, though the dark clouds were lifting, and the 
night was far spent, the heavy weight of responsibility 
resting on the President's shoulders was hardly light- 
ened. Enemies were still ready at every moment to 
attack his words and actions. 

With Secretary Seward he went to Fortress Monroe to 
meet with Rebel commissioners, and consult concerning 
terms of peace ; but foreseeing that the sole purpose 
of the conference was to secure an armistice* under 
some pretence, during which renewed preparations for 
war could be made, the President turned a deaf ear to 
all suggestions that there should be a cessation of all 
hostilities, explicitly declaring that there could be no 
receding from the position taken by the Government on 
the slavery question ; but that he was ready to con- 
cede every thing that was possible. The conference 
amounted to nothing, and hostile critics and unfriendly 
politicians at home were as ready as ever to impugn the 
President. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 455 

Simplicity- was the main characteristic of life at the 
White House. Lincoln's nature was averse to display. 
No man was ever more free from affectation, yet he was 
not without a dignity of bearing and character that 
commanded respect ; and notwithstanding his inimita- 
ble good nature, it was not impossible for him to rebuke 
those who presumed too far upon it. A deputation of 
citizens from a distant State waited upon him to remon- 
strate against certain appointments. Their objections 
were committed to writing, and read by the spokes- 
man. The paper contained implied reflections upon 
Senator Baker, then a guest at the White House. 
Lincoln listened silently to the reading of the docu- 
ment; then, taking the paper, he said, "Is this mine to 
do with as I please ? " " Certainly, Mr. President," 
replied the spokesman. The President calmly turned 
to the fireplace, and laid the document on the blazing 
coals, saying, " Good-morning, gentlemen." Afterward, 
speaking of the anger that the delegation manifested 
when they went out of the chamber, Lincoln said, " The 
paper was an unjust attack upon my dearest personal 
friend, Ned Baker. They told me it was mine to do 
with as I liked, and I could not trust myself to reply in 
words, I was so angry." 

During his life at the White House, President Lin- 
coln enjoyed little recreation and few amusements. 
The times were full of trouble, and he had little to do 
with social or formal entertainments. His only mental 
relief was found at the theatre, where he often went, 
accompanied with a single friend. He was naturally 
fond of music, and it seemed the greatest pleasure of 
his simple, almost pathetic, life. He cared little for the 



456 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

pleasures of the table, and seldom partook of any but 
the plainest food. Wine was set upon the table when 
those who used it were guests, but it was never used 
by the President. So engrossed was he with the cares 
of his office, that many a time his anxious wife sent to 
the cabinet chamber a tray of food when he had for- 
gotten his meal, and then he was often too busy or 
absent-minded to touch it. 

His greatest delight in life was with his children. 
His second son, Willie, died in February, 1862, during 
the darkest and most gloomy time of the long and 
oppressive era of the war. Possibly this calamity made 
Lincoln less strict with his youngest boy. At all events, 
he found it well-nigh impossible to deny him any tiling ; 
but the little fellow, always happy and lovable, never 
abused his privileges. He roamed the White House at 
will, as well known to habitual visitors as the President 
himself, and passionately devoted to his father. He 
invaded the cabinet councils with his boyish griefs, and 
climbed to his father's knee when the President was 
engaged upon the affairs of state. 

The President and his wife addressed each other in 
the old-fashioned style of " father " and " mother." , 
Mrs. Lincoln rarely spoke of her husband as the Presi- 
dent ; and if he had occasion to refer to his high office, 
Mr. Lincoln invariably spoke of it as "this place." 
One soon forgot, in his immediate presence, however, 
the native ungainliness of his figure, and felt that he 
was in the personal atmosphere of one of the world's 
great men. 

The summers were spent upon the reservation in the 
suburbs of Washington known as the Soldier's Home. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 457 

No warning of suspected attempts upon his life seemed 
to disturb the President in the least. Once he said to 
a friend, somewhat seriously, " I long ago made up my 
mind that if anybody wants to kill me, he will do it. 
If I wore a shirt of mail, and kept myself surrounded 
by a body-guard, it would be all the same. There are 
a thousand ways of getting at a man if it is desirable 
that he should be killed ; besides, in this case, it seems 
to me that the man who would come after me would be 
just as objectionable to my enemies, if I have any." At 
that time Hannibal Hamlin was Vice-President. 

A volume might be made up of anecdotes of Lincoln's 
kindness of heart. He was readily accessible to peti- 
tioners of every grade and rank in life, but until the 
spring of 18G5 he received little of the charity which 
he gave. 

On the 2d of April the tolling bells of Richmond 
sounded the knell of the Rebellion, and on the third 
the Union flag was hoisted over the building that had 
been occupied by the Rebel Congress. Accompanied 
by his little son, the President entered the fallen city 
unattended, save by a boat's crew, and leading his 
little boy by the hand. It was characteristic, if not 
triumphant. He walked as one in a dream. Rich- 
mond, so long and so painfully the object of Union 
hopes and desires, was now in the hands of the United 
States ; the members of the exploded government were 
fugitives. Thousands of colored people gathered about 
their liberator. They shouted, they rent the air with 
their frenzied cries ; but in that supreme moment 
Lincoln was speechless. The statesman, reared by 
God's wonderful providence, disciplined in the rough 



458 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 4 

school of adversity, stood in the stronghold of the 
broken slave power, his life-work completed. 

The North was delirious with joy. The national 
capital was in a tumult of excitement and triumph. 
Flags were spread in the remotest villages and hamlets, 
guns were fired, bands and processions were every- 
where ; not so much for victory over a fallen foe, as 
for relief and release from the pernicious war. The 
government clerks assembled in the great rotunda of 
the treasury building, and sang " Praise God from 
whom all blessings flow." The war was over ; and at 
last every heart swelled with love and blessing at the 
name of Lincoln, shouting all manner of joyous greetings 
to the second "Father of his Country." 

Thus, in the midst of these tremendous rejoicings, 
came the fourteenth day of April, 1865. At noon was 
held a cabinet meeting, at which Gen. Grant was 
present. In the evening, with Mrs. Lincoln, a daughter 
of Senator Harris, and Major Rathbone, the President 
sat in a box near the stage, in the upper tier, enjoying 
his accustomed recreation at the theatre, when John 
Wilkes Booth, an actor, wh'o had no personal grievance 
of which to complain, passed unnoticed into the rear of 
the box, held a pistol within a few inches of Mr. Lin-, 
coin's head, near the base of the brain, and fired. The 
President fell forward insensible. Major Rathbone 
attempted to seize the assassin, who stabbed him in the 
arm, jumped from the box to the stage, there brandished 
his knife, crying, "Sic semper tyrannus" the motto of 
Virginia ; and adding, " the South is avenged," van- 
ished. 

The insensible form of the President was carried to a 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 459 

private residence across the street. No human skill 
could save the precious life. He uttered no word, and 
gave no sign of consciousness of what was taking place ; 
and at twenty-two minutes past seven, on the morning 
of April 15, the great heart ceased to beat. Mr. Lin- 
coln was dead. The body was carried to the White 
House, followed by a little procession of weeping but 
stern-faced men. Flags that had been flung in triumph 
were lowered to half-mast in sorrow. For days business 
was practically suspended, and the nation that had been 
so jubilant seemed abandoned to its mighty grief. 

On Wednesday, April 19, the funeral of the dead 
President took place from the mansion in which he had 
suffered and toiled for the people, and his form was 
borne to the Capitol. In the rotunda it lay in state for a 
day, guarded. by a company of high officers of the army 
and navy. Later, the President's body was buried in 
Oak Ridge Cemetery, near Springfield, 111. The funeral 
train left Washington on the 21st of April, traversing 
nearly the same route that had been passed over by the 
train which bore the President-elect from Springfield to 
Washington five years before. Nearly two thousand 
miles were traversed. People lined the entire distance 
almost without an interval, standing with uncovered 
heads, mute with grief, as the sombre cortege swept by ; 
even the night and the falling showers did not keep 
them away from the line of the sad procession. Watch- 
fires blazed along the route in darkness ; and in some 
of the large cities the coffin of the illustrious dead was 
lifted from the funeral train, and carried about by a 
mighty procession of citizens, till at last the body of 
Abraham Lincoln was laid at rest near his old home, 



460 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

and a noble monument was raised by loving hands to 
mark the spot. 

He began life in poverty and obscurity in the wilder- 
ness, to end it in the full blaze of the white light that 
beats upon a form most conspicuous in the world's 
fame. 




•'"W 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 

The man suddenly called upon to fill the office of 
chief magistrate of the United States, in the fearful and 
overwhelming grief which bore the nation to the earth, 
in the sudden death of Abraham Lincoln, was a peculiar 
combination, — a man whom few understood, doubtless 
because he thoroughly failed to understand himself. 
The early life of Andrew Johnson is but a record of 
poverty, destitution, and friendlessness. He was born on 
the twenty-ninth day of December, 1808, in Raleigh, 
the capital of North Carolina. His parents, belonging to 
that class called the " poor whites " of the South, were 
in such circumstances as to be entirely unable to offer 
him the slightest advantages of education. When the 
lad was five years of age, his father was drowned ; and 
until he was ten years old, Andrew Johnson was a 
ragged boy about the streets, never having attended 
school, and being unable to read or write. He was 
apprenticed then to a tailor. A benevolent gentleman 
of Raleigh was in the habit of going to the shop, and 
reading to the boys at their work, often choosing the 
speeches of distinguished statesmen, which aroused in 
Andrew Johnson an ambition to learn to read for 

461 



462 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

himself. This he accomplished, while working ten or 
twelve hours a day in the shop, by robbing himself of 
rest and recreation in order to study. When sixteen 
years of age, having finished his apprenticeship, he was 
still unable to read with fluency. 

In 1826 he went with his mother to Greenville, East 
Tennessee, where he worked as a journeyman tailor, and 
married a young woman of estimable character, so much 
in advance of him in education, that she became his 
teacher in reading, writing, and arithmetic. She read 
to him while he plied the needle on the bench, and in 
the evening instructed him in other branches. Words 
came to him more readily, however ; and his popularity 
with the working classes was such,. that, in 1828, he was 
chosen one of the aldermen of the little town, and at 
twenty-two years of age was elected its mayor. He 
took a lively interest in political affairs, identifying 
himself with the working classes. In 1835 they elected 
him to the House of Representatives as a Democrat, 
and in 1840 he vigorously advocated Martin Van 
Buren's claims to the presidency ; while his readiness 
as a speaker constantly increased his reputation. In 
1841 he was elected State senator, and was universally 
esteemed as an earnest, honest man, heartily advocating 
whatever he thought to be right, and denouncing that 
which he considered wrong. In 1843 he was elected a 
member of Congress, which position he held for ten 
years. In 1853 he was made governor of Tennessee, 
and re-elected in 1855; constantly proving himself the 
friend of the working classes. 

While he was governor of Tennessee, he cut and 
made with his own hands a handsome suit of clothes, 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 463 

which he sent as a present to Gov. McGoffin of Ken- 
tucky, who was a blacksmith by trade, and returned the 
compliment by forging with his own hands a shovel 
and tongs, which he sent to Gov. Johnson, with the wish 
that they might keep alive the flame of their friendship. 

In 1857 Mr. Johnson was elected by the Legislature 
of Tennessee as United-States senator for the term of 
six years. Both in the House and in the Senate he 
adopted, in general, the Democratic policy, opposing a 
protective tariff, and advocating the Homestead Bill ; 
opposing the United-States' Bank, and all schemes of 
internal improvement by the national Government. He 
also strongly indorsed the views of the South on the 
incompetency of Congress to prevent the extension of 
slavery into the Territories. 

Mr. Johnson was never ashamed of his lowly origin, 
and often took pride in the fact, that what he was he 
owed distinctly to himself. " Sir," he once exclaimed 
on the floor of the Senate, " I do not forget that I am a 
mechanic ; nor do I forget that Adam was a tailor and 
sewed fig-leaves, and that our Saviour was the son of a 
carpenter." 

He was strongly opposed to secession; not so much 
upon the ground that slaveholders were not right in 
their claim that slavery should be nationalized, as in 
fear of an appeal to arms. He said, " We can more 
successfully resist black Republicanism by remaining 
in the Union than by going out of it." Concerning 
Mr. Lincoln, on the 19th of December, 1861, he said, 
"I voted against him; I spoke against him; I spent 
my money to defeat him." But as the Secessionists 
grew more determined in their measures, Mr. Johnson 



464 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

grew more bold in his opposition ; and the slaveholders 
at last turned fiercely against him, denouncing him as 
a traitor to the South, while the North looked with 
admiration upon the moral courage which he displaj^ed 
in thus contending against almost every senator and 
representative of the South ; and in this admiration 
the North forgot that he was or ever had been Demo- 
cratic and Southern in his theories. To add to his 
popularity in the North, he was burned in effigy at 
Memphis, Tenn., in 1861, and was repeatedly insulted 
by mobs, and threatened with l} r nching. A price was 
even set upon his head. A Rebel band sacked his home, 
drove his wife, — who was ill at the time, — and his child 
into the street, confiscated his slaves, and turned his 
house into a hospital and barracks. 

The Union party at the North began to regard him 
as in all points one with them ; while his own speeches 
indicated a continually increasing sympathy with the 
views of the great Republican party, which 4iad elected 
Abraham Lincoln. In one of these speeches he said, 
" We may as well talk of tilings as they are ; for if 
any thing is treason, is not levying war upon the Gov- 
ernment treason? Is not an attempt to take property 
of the Government treason ? It is treason, and nothing 
but treason." And though the address was met with 
hisses, reproaches, threats, and a shower of abuse, grow- 
ing still bolder, he exclaimed, " Does it need any 
search to find those who are levying war, and giving aid 
and comfort to enemies against the United States? 
And this is treason. Treason ought to be punished, 
North and South; and if they are traitors, they should 
be entitled to traitors' rewards. Were I the President 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 465 

of the United States, I would do as Thomas Jefferson 
did with Aaron Burr. I would have them arrested 
and tried for treason ; and, if convicted, by the eternal 
God they should suffer the penalty of the law at the 
hands of the executioner." This he said in the Senate 
Chamber, on the 2d of March, 1861. 

He was a Democrat of the Jacksonian school ; but the 
assumptions of the Secessionists were crowding him over 
into the ranks of those who would increase rather than 
diminish the power of the central government. In 
February, 1862, President Lincoln, with the approval of 
the Senate, appointed Andrew Johnson military gover- 
nor of the State of Tennessee ; an appointment which 
was received with enthusiasm by nearly all the loyal 
men of the Union. On the 12th of March he began 
his administration with an energy which cheered the 
hearts of the long-suffering Unionists. The mayor of 
Nashville and the city council refused to take the 
oath of allegiance, and he sent them to the penitentiary. 
The editor of the " Nashville Banner" uttered treason- 
able sentiments, and was forthwith imprisoned. 

To quell the marauding guerilla Secessionists, the fol- 
lowing proclamation was issued : — 

" I, Andrew Johnson, do hereby proclaim that in 
every instance in which a Union man is arrested and 
maltreated by marauding bands, five or more Rebels from 
the most prominent in the immediate neighborhood, shall 
be arrested, imprisoned, and otherwise dealt with, as the 
nature of the case may require; and further, in all cases 
where the property of citizens loyal to the Government 
of the United States is taken or destroyed, full and 
ample remuneration shall be made to them out of the 



466 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

property of such Rebels in the vicinity as have sympa- 
thized with, and given aid, comfort, information, or 
encouragement to the parties committing such depreda- 
tions." He had five clergymen imprisoned for preach- 
ing treason from their pulpits. 

A little later the Rebel armies again entered the State, 
and Nashville was in a state of siege. The timid ones 
began to talk of the necessity of surrender, when Mr. 
Johnson exclaimed, "I am no military man, but any 
one who talks of surrendering I will shoot." In the 
stress of the last necessity, when Nashville was com- 
pletely surrounded by the enemy, Buell, who was in 
command of the forces, turned traitor, to Johnson's 
way of thinking, and determined to evacuate the city 
in forty-eight hours. Col. Moody chanced to call at 
the office of the governor at the moment when he had 
received Buell's determination ; and turning to him in 
despair, Johnson said, "Moody, can you pray?" to 
which Col. Moody replied, "That is my business, sir, 
as a minister of the gospel." - " Well, Moody, I wish 
you would pray," said the governor ; and the colonel 
kneeling, he threw himself upon his knees beside him, 
and responded at the close of the prayer with an 
emphatic and fervent "Amen." Rising from his knees, 
Gov. Johnson drew a long breath, and said, " I feel 
better." But a short time later, as Col. Moody was 
going out with orders, the governor turned suddenly 
and said, "O Moody, I don't want you to think that 
I have become a religious man because I asked you to 
pray. I am sorry to say it, but I am not, and never 
pretended to be, religious ; no one knows this any better 
than you. But Moody, there is one thing about it, I 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 467 

do believe in Almighty God, and I believe also in the 
Bible , and I say damn me if Nashville shall be sur- 
rendered ! " 

The current of events had apparently swept Mr. 
Johnson into entire sympathy with the Republican 
party. He was not only oppposed to secession, but he 
was now opposed to slavery, and to the entire demands 
of the haughty Southern aristocracy ; and publicly 
avowed that he had been converted heart and soul into 
a cordial supporter of the measures of President Lin- 
coln's administration. In 1863 he visited Washington 
to confer with the President in reference to the restora- 
tion of Tennessee to the Union, of which he was very 
strongly in favor. He had now so thoroughly identified 
himself with the Republican party, and had so warmly 
advocated its principles, that his name began to be 
mentioned for the vice-presidency at the approaching 
election, especially as it was deemed very important, at 
the present crisis, to elect the vice-president from some 
of the Southern States ; and there was no name so 
prominent as that of Andrew Johnson. The North 
had learned to admire him, and with enthusiasm the 
Republican party rallied round him. At the national 
convention assembled in Baltimore on the 6th of June, 
1864, almost by acclamation he was nominated. His 
address, upon hearing of his nomination, was most 
patriotic, and thoroughly in sympathy with the Govern- 
ment. 

It was full of noble truths nobly uttered, that met 
with cordial response in every loyal heart. Every 
sentence elevated Andrew Johnson in the estimation of 
the American people. The names of Lincoln and 



468 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Johnson were at the fireside, at the church, mingled in 
prayers of gratitude and thanksgiving that God had 
raised up a Southern man to co-operate with the noble 
Westerner in the protection and redemption of the 
country. 

The election took place on the 14th of November, 
1864, resulting in the choice of Lincoln and Johnson, 
by one of the largest majorities ever given ; and on the 
4th of March Mr. Johnson was inaugurated Vice-Presi- 
dent of the United States. The clouds of gloom which 
had so long hung over the land were beginning to 
break. On the 3d of April there was a meeting in 
Washington to rejoice over the glad tidings of the 
evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond. In the 
address which Vice-President Johnson made at that 
meeting, he said, " At the time that the traitors in the 
Senate of the United States plotted against the Govern- 
ment, and entered into a conspiracy more vile, more 
execrable, and more odious than that of Catiline against 
the Romans, I happened to be a member of that body, 
and, as to loyalt}', stood solitary and alone among the 
Southerners from the Southern States. I was then 
called upon to know what I would do with such trai- 
tors, and I want to repeat my reply here. I said, ' If we 
had an Andrew Jackson, he would hang them as high 
as Hainan. I would arrest them, I would try them, I 
would convict them, and I would hang them. It is not 
the men in the field who are the greatest traitors ; it is 
the men who have encouraged them to imperil their 
lives, spending their means, and exerting all their power 
to overthrow this Government. Hence, I say, the 
halter to all intelligent, influential traitors.' " 



ANDREW JOHNSON". 469 

Then the great Rebel army under Gen. Lee surren- 
dered -, and in live days more, while the bells were 
ringing over all the nation, at the utter overthrow of 
the Rebellion, the bullet of the assassin pierced the 
brain of President Lincoln. On the morning of the 
15th of April, the fearful tidings were spread abroad ; 
and Hon. James Speed, Attorney-General of the United 
States, waited upon Vice-President Johnson with the 
official communication of Abraham Lincoln's death. At 
ten o'clock, but a little more than two and a half hours 
after the death of the President, a small but august 
assemblage met in Mr. Johnson's private apartments, 
and Chief-Justice Chase administered the oath of office. 
The ceremonies were brief, but invested with unusual 
solemnity, and Andrew Johnson became the President 
of the United States. 

President Johnson's first step was to invite the mem- 
bers of Mr. Lincoln's cabinet to remain in their places. 
At their head was the veteran William H. Seward, one 
of the founders of the Republican party. Hugh McCul- 
loch of Indiana was Secretary of the Treasury ; Edwin 
M. Stanton of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War ; Gideon 
Welles of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy ; William 
Dennison of Ohio, Postmaster-General ; James Ireland 
of Iowa, Secretary of the Interior ; and James Speed of 
Kentucky was Attorney-General. 

It was upon the tide of popular enthusiasm and patri- 
otism that Andrew Johnson had been hailed as the 
candidate for the vice-presidency ; but when thus 
placed in the position of chief magistrate, the serious 
and thinking men of the country looked at the future 
with doubt and uncertainty ; for they bethought them 



470 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

that, after all, they knew comparatively little of this 
man. The first revelation of the new President's inten- 
tions came in addresses, which he made very soon after 
his inauguration, thoroughly startling the nation ; he 
had pledged himself, in many an address, to the sternest 
and most resolute system with the South, — a policy 
almost of revengeful retribution. Upon this his cabi- 
net was divided ; evenly, but for Secretary Seward, by 
far the ablest and most influential member, who viewed 
such a course with the utmost regret. Doubtless it was 
his personal persuasion, to some extent combined with 
many other influences, seen and unseen, which persuaded 
Andrew Johnson to turn about in a most sudden, appar- 
ently inexplicable and radical manner, and forgetting 
all vengeance which he had breathed against the South, 
to try to win the friendship of the Southern chiefs. At 
the outset, at least, in this new position, he had the full 
sympathy of Secretary Seward ; and having thus adopted 
an entirely new line of conduct, President Johnson lost 
no time in putting it into action. His first step was to 
issue a proclamation of amnesty and pardon to all per- 
sons who had taken part in the Rebellion, with a very 
few exceptions, — diplomatic officers, military officers 
above the rank of colonel, and all who left judicial, 
military, or Congressional positions to join the Rebel- 
lion. The second step was to arrange conditions under 
which the Rebel States might resume their relations 
with the Union. 

Such an extraordinary change could not easily be 
understood, and Congress did not readily agree with 
the President's plan of reconstruction. There arose 
a long conflict between the President and the majority 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 471 

in Congress as to the conditions under which the Rebel 
States should be re-admitted; and Congress at last 
passed the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitu- 
tion, which for the first time granted civil rights to all 
the inhabitants of the United States. This was vetoed 
by the President, but was passed over his veto. This 
was followed by a series of Reconstruction Acts impos- 
ing other stringent conditions on those States, each Act 
being vetoed by the President, and then passed over his 
veto. Various other subjects arose from time to time to 
imbitter the discord between the President and Congress. 
The Freedman's Bureau became a subject for dis- 
cussion. Congress passed a bill giving additional 
judicial and military authority to the chief officers of 
the Bureau. It was vetoed by the President : this 
time Congress failed to pass it over the veto. Then a 
modified bill was brought in, which was passed, vetoed, 
and passed again over the veto. Another measure of 
Congress which the President strenuously opposed was 
the Tenure of Office Act. This bill, too, was vetoed by 
the President, and passed over the veto. The nation in 
general was in sympathy with Congress. The President, 
in contravention for the Tenure of Office Act, issued 
an order removing Secretary Stanton from office, and 
substituting Gen. Lorenzo Thomas. Secretary Stanton, 
acting in harmony with the advice of Congress, refused 
to surrender the post which it was endeavored thus 
illegally to wrest from him. By threats the President 
endeavored to force them to yield. This brought the 
matter to such a crisis that the impeachment of the Presi- 
dent was decided upon. When he urged the plea that 
he violated the law in order that he might bring the 



472 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

matter before the Supreme Court to test its constitu- 
tionality, the reply was, that he had taken an oath to 
execute the laws, and that he could violate that oath 
only at his peril, which was to be impeached. The 
course which the President had pursued had created 
intense and widespread exasperation. Those who were 
in sympathy with the Rebellion applauded him. The 
loyal community all over the land was incensed. On 
the 4th. of March, at 1 o'clock p.m., the, managers of the 
impeachment, appointed by the House of Representa- 
tives, entered the Senate Chamber followed by the 
members of the House ; the chief justice and the sena- 
tors (fifty-three in number) forming the court and 
jury. The people of the United States, through their 
representatives in the House, entered the prosecution. 
The President was accused at the bar ; and the tedious 
trial continued for nearly three months, when a test 
article of the impeachment was submitted to the court 
for action. As it voted upon that article, it was under- 
stood it would vote upon all. Thirty-four votes pro- 
nounced the President guilty, nineteen declared him 
not guilty ; and as a two-thirds vote was necessary to 
his condemnation, he was acquitted, notwithstanding 
the great majority against him. The change of one 
vote would have impeached the President. 

Though he remained in office for the remainder 
of his term, he was but little regarded. Weekly he 
struggled to continue his conflict with Congress ; but 
his own party did not consider it expedient to renomi- 
nate him for the presidency, and the nation rallied with 
unparalled enthusiasm around the name of Gen. Grant, 
utterly ignoring Andrew Johnson. 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 473 

Never was there presented to a man a better oppor- 
tunity to immortalize himself, and gain the gratitude 
of a nation ; but, though he utterly failed to do this, 
indirectly and unintentionally he doubtless strength- 
ened Congress by his opposition, and forced it to do 
what Lincoln might have done ; and by one vote only 
he escaped the first attempt that was ever made to 
remove a President of the United States from his high 
office. 

On the 4th of March, 1869, Andrew Johnson retired 
from the place where his career had been a troublesome 
and stormy one , but he was not willing yet to give up 
public life. After remaining in retirement for six years, 
he was elected by the Democrats to the United-States 
Senate, from Tennessee, and took his seat March 4, 
1875. His first and last conspicuous effort in this 
return to public life was a violent speech assailing 
President Grant. 

On the 27th of July, 1875, he visited his daughter 
at Carter Station, Tenn., where he was stricken with 
paralysis, rendering him unconscious : he rallied for 
a time, and finally passed away July 31, 1875, aged 
sixty -seven years. His funeral was attended at 
Greenville, the scene of his first attempts in public, 
on the 3d of August, with every demonstration of 
respect. 

He was headstrong, vindictive, and stern in partisan- 
ship ; rash, and wanting in tact, and often in wisdom ; 
but it is generally accepted in the cooler judgment of 
affairs that he was honest and patriotic in intent, and 
that his integrity as a man was above reproach. Under 
his administration the battle of reconstruction was 



474 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

fought and won by Ills antagonists ; and from out 
tlie strife which waged around him the country issued 
once more a compact and united Republic, stronger 
for his opposition than it could have been with his 
support. 




j^m 



#* 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 

The record of Ulysses S. Grant is strikingly one of 
development, rather than of original prominence and 
promise. There is nothing in his early life indicative 
of a remarkable career. He was an honest, energetic, 
modest boy, who, but for the Rebellion, would probably 
never have been known beyond the limits of the West- 
ern district in which he engaged in a commercial 
undertaking. The war developed the latent virtues 
and heroism which crowned him with fame. 

He was born on the 29th of April, 1822, at Point 
Pleasant, on the banks of the Ohio. In a short time 
his father removed to Georgetown, in which remote 
frontier district Grant received a common-school edu- 
cation ; and at the age of seventeen entered the Mili- 
tary Academy at West Point, where he made his mark 
simply as a solid, sensible, fair-minded young man of 
sturdy, honest character. He graduated in 1843, his 
record comparing favorably with the general average, 
and was sent as lieutenant of infantry to a distant 
military post in the Territory of Missouri. There he 
spent two years watching the poor Indians. Then the 
war with Mexico took place, and Grant was sent with 

475 



476 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

his regiment to Corpus Christi. In his first battle the 
opposing parties stood upon a vast open prairie, with a 
half mile of ground between them, and spent several 
hours firing at each other with cannon. His second 
battle was somewhat fiercer, at Resaca de la Palma. 
In the third battle, Lieut. Grant was one of an army 
of six thousand that crossed the Rio Grande, and 
marched upon Monterey, which was garrisoned by ten 
thousand Mexicans. In this battle the young lieuten- 
ant gave intimation of what was in him. His brigade 
had exhausted its ammunition ; a messenger must be 
sent for more, and must pass along a route exposed to 
the bullets of the foe. Lieut. Grant, following an 
expedient he had learned from the Indians during his 
two years in Missouri, grasped the mane of his horse, 
and hanging upon one side of the animal, ran the 
gantlet in safety. 

From Monterey, Lieut. Grant was sent to aid Gen. 
Scott in the siege of Vera Cruz, where he again proved 
an efficient officer, and in preparation for the march to 
the city of Mexico was appointed quartermaster of his 
regiment. At the battle of Molino del Rey, he was 
promoted to a first lieutenancy, and brevetted captain 
at the hill of Chapultepec. At the close of the Mexi- 
can war, Capt. Grant returned with his regiment to 
New York, and was again sent to a military post on the 
frontier. 

After the discovery of gold in California, he was 
ordered with a battalion to Fort Dallas, for the protec- 
tion of the emigrants. But life became so monotonous 
in those weary wilds, that Capt. Grant resigned his 
commission, returned to the States, married, and began 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 477 

the cultivation of a small farm near St. Louis, Mo. 
He had little skill as a farmer, however ; and very soon 
wearying of the unprofitable labor, he turned to mer- 
cantile life, and went into the leather business with a 
younger brother at Galena, 111., in 1860. 

When the flag at Sumter was fired upon, Capt. 
Grant, in his counting-room, remarked, "Uncle Sam 
educated me for the army ; and though I have served 
him through one war, I do not feel that I have yet 
repaid the debt. I am still ready to discharge my 
obligation. I shall buckle on my sword, and see Uncle 
Sam through this war too." He went into the street, 
raised a company of volunteers, and, as their captain, 
led them to Springfield, the capital of the State, 
where he offered their services to Gov. Yates. The 
governor, impressed by the zeal and ability of Capt. 
Grant, gave him a desk in his office, to assist in the 
volunteer organization, which was then being performed 
in the State, in behalf of the Government. His earnest 
ambition, however, desired active service in the field; 
and on the 15th of June, 1861, he received a commis- 
sion as colonel of the Twenty-first Illinois Volunteers, 
and was sent across the Mississippi to guard the Hanni- 
bal and Hudson Railroad. He was soon promoted to 
the rank of brigadier-general, and placed in command 
at Cairo, where the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers meet. 
The Rebels raised their banner at Paducah ; but it had 
scarcely appeared when Grant was on hand. They 
fled, leaving their banner to be replaced by the stars 
and stripes. 

The Rebels were assembling at Columbus, a few miles 
from Cairo. They had a garrison of twenty thousand 



478 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

men, and were organizing a force at Belmont to invade 
Missouri. Grant's strength was not sufficient to attack 
Columbus; but he resolved to attempt the destruction 
at Belmont, though he knew he could not permanently 
hold the position, as it was covered by the guns of 
Columbus. Thus, on the evening of November 6, 
with three thousand men conveyed on transports, 
Grant descended the river, landed early in the morn- 
ing three miles from Belmont, marched rapidly through 
the forests, and attacked the earthworks. They were 
guarded by nearly twice the attacking force ; but the 
Rebels, bewildered after a short conflict, broke and fled. 
The torch was applied to every thing that would burn, 
and the stars and stripes were raised over the conquered 
field. Then, before the guns of Columbus could be 
brought to bear upon the audacious party, Gen. Grant 
commenced the withdrawal of his troops. An aid rode 
up to him, exclaiming, " General, we are surrounded by 
the enemy." " Very well," replied Grant, " we must 
cut our way out, as we cut our way in. We have 
whipped them once, and I think we can whip them 
again." They did cut their way through thirteen 
regiments of infantry and three squadrons of cavalry. 
They regained their boats, and returned to Cairo, 
having destroyed a vast amount of material of war, 
captured a hundred and fifty prisoners and two guns, 
and spiked four guns which could not be removed. 

On the 14th of February, 1862, Fort Donelson was 
attacked by Commodore Foote on the river, while 
Gen. Grant manoeuvred with the land force. As 
Grant was preparing to storm the intrenchments, with 
twenty -seven thousand men, Gen. Buckner sent a note 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 479 

to him asking for terms of surrender. Gen. Grant's 
reply was characteristic. " No terms can be accepted 
but unconditional surrender. I propose to move im- 
mediately upon your works." The result was, that 
seventy-five guns, twenty-six thousand small arms, and 
an immense amount of military stores, fell into the 
hands of the victors. 

Gen. Grant had introduced a new era of hard fighting 
into the conflict. The nation was electrified by the 
victory, and Secretary Stanton recommended the suc- 
cessful officer as major-general of volunteers. The same 
day President Lincoln sent the nomination to the 
Senate, and the Senate at once confirmed it. Thus, by 
the fall of Donelson, which was really the first im- 
portant success which the Union armies had achieved, 
Gen. Grant was lifted into a national reputation, and 
the military district of Tennessee was assigned to him. 
Then came the battle of Shiloh, named for a church 
a few miles from the landing where the battle was 
commenced, when Gen. Johnston, with an overwhelm- 
ing force, marched upon Gen. Grant, who with a little 
band was awaiting the arrival of Gen. Buell. It 
proved a day of fearful carnage, and never was the 
energy of Gen. Grant more signally displayed than in 
those hours of disaster. No thought of ultimate defeat 
seemed to enter his mind. Night put a temporary end 
to the slaughter, and he instantly began to re-organize 
his shattered division, and form a new plan of battle. 
Every available man was prepared for immediate action. 
With the earliest dawn, when the rebels expected to 
find the expiring remnant ready to surrender, they 
received instead an impetuous assault. During the 



480 LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS. 

long hours of the day the conflict waged with uninter- 
rupted fury, and night again found the field still dis- 
puted. The next morning, however, disclosed the fact 
that the Rebels had retreated to their intrenchments at 
Corinth. 

The battles of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, had 
been fought, and Gen. Grant had gained another signal 
victory. Then followed the famous siege of Vicksburg. 
For days, for months, there was almost incessant fight- 
ing. The defence of Vicksburg was as determined as 
the assault. When some one asked Gen. Grant if he 
really thought he could take the place, he replied, 
" Certainly. I cannot tell exactly when I shall take 
the town, but I mean to stay here until I do, if it 
takes me thirty years." The final assault was arranged 
to take place on the 4th of July ; but, being forewarned, 
Gen. Pemberton, knowing that he could not withstand 
it, proposed a capitulation, to which, as usual, Gen. 
Grant replied that his only terms were unconditional 
surrender ; and at ten o'clock on the 4th of July, 1863, 
the white flags arose along the Rebel lines, announcing 
the unconditional surrender of Vicksburg. A more 
signal conquest was never made. ■ Nearly forty thou- 
sand prisoners were taken and seventy -two cannon ; 
and the Mississippi River was thrown open to the gun- 
boats of the North, from the Gulf of Mexico to Cairo. 
Shortly afterward, however, in New Orleans, Gen. 
Grant was thrown from his horse while reviewing his 
soldiers, receiving injuries which seriously disabled him 
for several months, confining him to his bed for three 
weeks, and greatly delaying several important move- 
ments which he had proposed. 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 481 

Later in the fall Gen. Thomas became entangled by 
the enemy at Chattanooga, where he was closely be- 
sieged, and his line of communication cut off. On the 
19th of October, Gen. Grant telegraphed him, " Hold 
Chattanooga at all hazards : I will be there as soon as 
possible." Gen. Thomas characteristically replied, " I 
will hold the town till we starve." On the twenty-third 
day of October, true to his word, Gen. Grant entered. 
Then began a display of energy and military sagacity 
rarely surpassed. First he succeeded in opening a line 
of communication, and the whole army was inspired 
with such new life as to double its moral strength. 
" The Richmond Enquirer," the leading organ of the 
Rebels, in speaking of the matter, said, " The enemy 
were outfought, but the present condition of affairs 
looks as though we had been outgeneralled." When 
Gen. Sherman's troops arrived, Grant instantly assumed 
the offensive. Sherman, Thomas, Hooker, — all entered 
valiantly into the struggle ; and on the 25th of October, 
Gen. Grant taking his position upon Orchard Knoll, 
the whole army rushed upon the foe. The scene 
beggars description, though many a pen has endeavored 
to do justice to that dreadful battle. In the evening- 
Gen. Grant telegraphed to the authorities at Wash- 
ington in his characteristic modest way, " The battle 
lasted from early dawn till dark this evening. I believe 
I am not premature in announcing a complete victory 
over Bragg. I have no idea of finding him here in the 
morning." This great achievement pierced the heart 
of the Rebellion, freed Burnside, rescued Kentuck} 7 " and 
Tennessee, and opened the gate for the grand march to 
the sea. It was a tremendous victory ; and following 



482 LIVES QF THE PRESIDENTS. 

it up, Gen. Grant gave the Rebels no rest till they were 
driven fairly out of Tennessee, and into Georgia, leav- 
ing in history his campaign of Chattanooga as one of 
the most memorable upon record. One of the officers, 
describing the general's conduct in the battle, said, " It 
is a matter of universal wonder that Gen. Grant was 
not killed ; for he was always in the front, and perfectly 
regardless of the whizzing bullets and screaming shell 
flying around him." 

Immediately upon the meeting of Congress after 
these events, a vote of thanks was passed by that body 
to Gen. Grant and the officers and soldiers under his 
command. A gold medal was ordered to be struck off 
with suitable emblems to be presented to the general, 
while several States followed the example in passing 
votes of thanks. But the energetic general manifested 
no disposition to rest upon his laurels. He gathered 
up his strength to push the war with renewed vigor. 
Three armies were now under his command, extending 
over a. line a thousand miles in length. Gen. Grant 
was responsible for all their movements, for every act 
and every neglect to act. 

In the midwinter, through storms and snow as they 
might come in the mountain passes, Gen. Grant, on 
horseback, visited the outposts of his army, and in 
Knoxville, Louisville, Lexington, and St. Louis he was 
received with the greatest enthusiasm ; but no efforts 
could flatter, persuade, or provoke him to make a 
speech, with a single exception. An immense crowd 
gathered about his hotel one evening in St. Louis, and 
after serenading him, began an incessant shouting for 
a speech. After a long delay, the general appeared 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 483 

upon the balcony, and in the breathless silence which 
followed, leaning over the rail, he said slowly and de- 
liberately, " Gentlemen, making speeches is not my 
business. I never did it in my life, and I never will. 
I thank you, however, for your attendance here." 
Then he retired amid uproars of applause. 

National honors were now lavished upon him in every 
possible form. On the 4th of Februrary Congress re- 
vived the grade of lieutenant-general to confer it upon 
Gen. Grant. On the 3d of March he was summoned 
to Washington to receive his credentials, and enter 
upon the immense responsibilities of his new office. 
At every railway station by the way, crowds gathered 
to catch a glimpse of his face, and the enthusiasm was 
unbounded upon his arrival in Washington. Unher- 
alded he succeeded in slipping into the dining-room at 
Willard's Hotel, and secured a seat for himself at the 
table ; but a gentleman, recognizing him, rose and 
announced to the guests that Gen. Ulysses S. Grant 
was in the room. Instantly the entire companj^ sprang 
to its feet, and cheer after cheer rang through the hall. 
President Lincoln gave a levee in the evening in his 
honor ; but Gen. Grant had no taste for such ovations, 
and when retiring that night, he said to a friend, "I 
hope to get away from Washington as soon as possible, 
for 1 am tired of this show business already." 

On the 9th Gen. Grant received his commission in 
the Executive Chamber in the presence of the cabinet 
and distinguished guests ; and in response to a few 
hearty words from the President, he said, — 

"I accept this commission with gratitude for the 
high honor conferred. With the aid of the noble 



484 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

armies who have fought on so many battle-fields for 
our common country, it will be my earnest endeavor 
not to disappoint your expectations. I feel the full 
weight of the responsibility now devolving upon me. 
I know that if it is properly met, it will be due to those 
armies, and above all to that Providence which leads 
both nations and men." 

Some ladies in Washington, patriotic and noble 
women, but without sufficient reflection perhaps, pro- 
posed a ball in connection with the grand review of the 
army, which was immediately to take place. But in 
terms kind, yet sad, which endeared him to every sol- 
dier and every soldier's friend, Gen. Grant replied to 
them, "I am not a cynic. I enjoy rational pleasures 
as well as any one else ; but I would ask you, in all 
candor and gentleness, if this is a time for music and 
dancing and feasting among the officers of the army? 
Is our country in a condition to call for such things at 
present ? Do army balls inspire our troops with courage 
in the field ? Do they soothe the sick and wounded in 
the hospitals ? " 

Gen. Grant bent all his energies now to terminate 
the war by the only possible means, — a destruction of 
the enemy's forces. He began to concentrate the widely 
dispersed national troops. All the great roads leading 
toward Richmond were thronged; and on the 3d of May, 
18G4, the great army crossed the Rapidan, a hundred 
and fifty thousand strong, to traverse that region most 
appropriately called the " Wilderness." Gen. Lee, in 
command of the Rebel hosts, an officer of great ability, 
led troops as desperate in valor as ever marched the earth. 
Massing his forces, he suddenly emerged from the forest, 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 485 

and fell upon the entire centre of the extended line of 
the Northern troops. The battle was long and terrible. 
For two days it lasted with unabated fury ; then Gen. 
Lee retreated to Spottsylvania, whither the Union army 
hurried for the third day's battle of the Wilderness. 
Great billows of war were sweeping incessantly to and 
fro through that wilderness, day after day, as the battle 
raged, till at midnight, in the midst of a thunder-storm, 
Gen. Hgncock, by Grant's command, plunged with a 
strong column upon one division of the sleeping foe, and 
drove them before him, capturing seven thousand pris- 
oners and thirty-two guns. As though the day were 
not sufficient for the fighting, this signal roused the 
exhausted armies, and the battle continued through the 
remainder of the night. The sun rose ; noon came, fol- 
lowed by evening and darkness. For fourteen hours 
the men had fought, and still Gen. Grant was steadily 
pressing forward, never relinquishing a foot of the 
ground which he had gained. But the history of the 
campaign is well known. During the struggle, a states- 
man who was present one evening in Grant's tent said 
to hiYn, " General, if you flank Lee and get between 
him and Richmond, will you not uncover Washington, 
and leave it exposed to the enemy ? " The general's 
reply was, " Yes, I reckon so." — "And do you not think," 
continued the statesman, " that Lee can detach a suffi- 
cient force to re-enforce Beauregard at Richmond, and 
overwhelm Butler?" The general replied, "I have no 
doubt of it." — " And is there not danger," the statesman 
continued, M that Johnson may come up and re-enforce 
Lee, so that the latter will swing around, and cut off 
your communications and seize your supplies ? " — " Very 



486 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

likely," replied the general. This being all the satis- 
faction which the statesman could obtain, he returned 
to Washington somewhat doubtful concerning the 
course which Gen. Lee would really follow, and what 
Gen. Grant actually intended to do. But Grant was 
distinctively a man of actions, not of words ; and he 
was willing to show all those who were patient just 
what he intended to do. 

Few persons are aware of the magnitude of ^uch an 
army as Gen. Grant was commanding at this time. 
The vast hosts would fill, in a continuous line, any one 
road to its utmost capacity for nearly a hundred miles. 
One mind must preside supreme over the operations, 
rapidly changing day and night, night and day, as they 
fought against a determined foe of a hundred thousand 
desperate men. They were within forty miles of Rich- 
mond, and drawing nearer. Another day, and by a 
sudden manoeuvre Gen. Grant brought himself within 
fifteen miles of Richmond. In the desperation of this 
last struggle, it is difficult to conceive how the army 
was enabled to endure the fatigue ; for it seemed the 
plan of Gen. Grant to march all day and fight all night. 
One writer, in speaking of this last famous campaign, 
said, " It is wonderful how entirely the army confides 
in Gen. Grant. Every soldier's tongue is full of his 
praises. He is everywhere, night and day, looking 
after the comfort of his men, and quietly prosecuting 
the strategic work of the campaign ; speaking a pleas- 
ant word to the pickets if faithfully on duty, adminis- 
tering reprimands if not vigilant and watchful, going 
often only accompanied by an orderly. He is a thought- 
ful, resolute, kind man ; sympathizing with the humblest 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 487 

soldier in his ranks ; penetrated with a solemn appre- 
ciation of the work given him to do." 

Thus days and weeks ensued; and Gen. Grant, step 
by step, was approaching nearer the attainment of his 
great end. On the 9th of April he sent a message to 
Gen. Lee, in which he said, "The result of the hist week 
must convince you of the hopelessness of further resist- 
ance on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia. I 
feel that it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from 
myself the responsibility of any further effusion of blood, 
b} T asking of you the surrender of that portion of the 
Confederate army known as the Army of Northern 
Virginia. To Lee's inquiry concerning the terms of 
surrender, Grant replied, " Peace being my first desire, 
there is but one condition I insist upon ; namely, that 
the men surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up 
arms against the Government of the United States 
until properly exchanged." Gen. Lee did not consider 
it necessary at the time to surrender ; and Gen. Grant, 
without waiting for a reply, pressed forward at once with 
his preparations, when Gen. Lee again applied to him, 
agreeing to his terms. The papers of surrender were 
signed at half-past three in the afternoon, on the 9th of 
April. The information caused the Rebel army to break 
out in a series of shouts and cheers, for it came to them 
as a signal of deliverance ; and the hills rang with the 
joyful cries of the two armies. 

Such was the man to whom the Republicans turned 
in the crisis that followed the tragic death of Abraham 
Lincoln, and the ill-conceived struggle with Andrew 
Johnson. There was no name in the United States 
capable of inciting such unbounded enthusiasm, as was 



488 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

well evidenced, when the Republican convention met at 
Chicago, on the 21st of May, 1868, to vote for a candi- 
date to fill the office of chief magistrate. The vote was 
announced in these terms : " Gentlemen of the conven- 
tion, you have six hundred and fifty voters, and you 
have given six hundred and fifty votes for Gen. Ulysses 
S. Grant." 

In the succeeding election twenty-six of the States 
gave their electoral votes, numbering two hundred and 
fourteen, for Gen. Grant. Eight cast their votes, eighty 
in all, for Seymour. Thus, on the 4th of March, 1869, 
Gen. Grant entered upon the duties of his new office 
under most favorable circumstances. The country 
was in a state of prosperity, the tempest of the war had 
subsided, and nearly all questions of importance which 
had divided the two parties were settled. 

But no man can occupy the presidential chair with- 
out exciting obloquy. No President, for instance, has 
been more fiercely assailed than Washington or Jeffer- 
son. President Grant found the Southern States in 
a chaotic condition, and before him one of the most 
perplexing political problems. The organization of his 
cabinet was attended with difficulty. Horace Greeley, 
with some of his wayward but well-sounding maxims, 
also proved a decided stumbling-block. But as the 
result of the course followed by the Government, finan- 
cially at least, the five-per-cent bonds reached a par value 
in gold, where, at the end of Mr. Johnson's administra- 
tion, the six-per-cent bonds were only worth eighty- 
three and a half cents on a dollar. 

It was in a discussion upon the Indian policy that 
Gen. Grant uttered that sentence which since has 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 489 

become almost a maxim : " I know of no method to 
secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so efficient 
as their stringent execution." 

Very early in his administration, President Grant was 
compelled to consider the struggle between Cuba and 
Spain. Then the question of the Alabama claims came 
up, and a series of circumstances which resulted in the 
alienation of President Grant and Mr. Sumner. Then 
the negotiations took place which ended in the treaty 
of 1871 with Great Britain, conducted by Mr. Fish, 
Secretary of State. 

The popular verdict, at all events, was very much in 
favor of Gen. Grant ; for the Republican convention 
met in June, 1872, and, in a platform vigorously sus- 
taining Grant's Southern reconstruction policy, renomi- 
nated him, with Henry Wilson of Massachusetts for 
Vice-President. A disturbed body of Republicans, 
calling themselves " Liberals," met in Cincinnati in 
convention, and nominated Horace Greeley for Presi- 
dent ; while the Democratic National Convention met 
at Baltimore, and indorsed the Liberal Republican can- 
didates and platform ; and a convention of old-line 
Democrats, dissatisfied with the Baltimore convention, 
met at Louisville, nominating Charles O'Conor for 
President, and Charles Francis Adams for Vice-Presi- 
dent. Mr. O'Conor and Mr. Adams refused these 
nominations, however, and Grant and Wilson received 
two hundred and eighty-six electoral votes. Mr. Greeley 
died between the day of election and the counting of 
votes. Thus, in the popular vote, the first administra- 
tion of Gen.,Grant was thoroughly indorsed. During 
his administration, too, the national debt was reduced 



490 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

more than four hundred million dollars. He was a 
strong Protectionist, and a thorough Republican ; and 
in an unostentatious manner he most emphatically 
acted upon the dictates of the later civil-service reform. 
Public credit was re-established upon a firm basis, and 
the long-delayed resumption of specie payment was 
rendered possible. 

During his first term, Gen. Grant certainly ac- 
quitted himself with dignity. The national credit and 
national honor, though vehemently attacked, were ad- 
mirably maintained. Reconstruction was carried on 
and completed on a basis of humanity and justice ; and 
the purity of motive, the high integrity, and unsullied 
patriotism of the President were never successfully as- 
sailed. During the next four years, however, the policy 
seemed to have been changed, and was fraught with 
many errors, which left an impression of regret upon 
the public mind. It is by no means assured that the 
President had any personal connection with the many 
public scandals ; but there was a general feeling that, to 
some extent at least, they might have been the result 
of carelessness on his part, many high officials being 
implicated. 

During the administration the country was at peace 
at home and abroad, save for a temporary fear that 
there would be war with Spain, and for the ever-vexing 
Indian question. The Centennial Exhibition was held 
during the second term ; the President himself opened 
it. There was a strong desire, notwithstanding all the 
blunders and scandals connected with the administra- 
tion, to nominate the President for a third, term. But 
there was so much dissatisfaction in the ranks of the 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 491 

party that another nomination was made, and Ruther- 
ford B. Hayes of Ohio became the successor of Grant. 

Having finished his second term, the ex-President 
embarked for Liverpool. Upon the arrival of the 
steamer, the spectacle which confronted the eyes of 
the visitors was grand in the extreme. All the ships 
in the harbor were decorated with flags and bunting, 
thousands of people were gathered on the wharves, and 
the very earth seemed to tremble with their shouts that 
rent the air. The ovation continued throughout his 
journey to London, where the most stately of all the 
ceremonies gotten up in his honor was that in which 
the freedom of the city was conferred upon him, — the 
highest honor that could be paid by this ancient and 
renowned corporation. Then came the crowning event 
of his visit to England, — a reception by the Queen at 
Windsor Castle. Wherever he moved in England, fes- 
tivity succeeded festivity. Upon the Continent it was 
much the same. Thence he visited the East, but there 
was no change in the desire evinced to do him honor. 
The Sultan received him at Constantinople. In Greece 
and Egypt the demonstrations were the same. Through 
India, China, and Japan new demonstrations were pre- 
pared for him. His reception abroad exceeded in mag- 
nificence and splendor any ever before bestowed upon 
an American. His welcome home likewise surpassed 
in enthusiasm any thing before exhibited by the 
American people to one of their fellow-citizens. 

After his return from abroad, there was another vain 
endeavor made to secure a nomination of the general 
for a third term in the presidential office ; and at the 
end of the political contest, Gen. Grant removed to 



492 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

New York, and identified himself with several business 
enterprises: it was here, too, that Grant wrote his 
"Memoirs." While living in New York, he visited 
Mexico. Early in 1881 the project was formed in New- 
York City to hold a world's fair there in 1883, and 
Gen. Grant was elected president ; but he resigned, and 
the plan was finally abandoned. 

In the winter of 1883 he was appointed one of the 
commissioners to negotiate a reciprocity treaty with 
Mexico. It was about this time, too, that the firm of 
Grant & Ward was formed, which drew such unfortu- 
nate attention upon the general. 

Misfortunes gathered more thickly about him. Acci- 
dents, illness, and disappointment forced him to lead 
a quiet life, in which he found a temporary respite in 
the writing of a series of papers on the civil war, which 
appeared in " The Century Magazine." This under- 
taking for the Century Company proved an impulse 
inciting Gen. Grant to a more pretentious effort. 

While at Long Branch, early in the summer of 1884, 
an irritation began in the general's throat, which 
terminated in the fatal epithelioma. He had nearly 
completed the first volume of his " Memoirs " at the 
time when he was taken ill, and eagerly began upon 
the second volume. Steadily the fearful malady grew 
upon him. Plis family were gathered about him ; and 
though every precaution was taken, and every care 
extended to him, it was perfectly evident that he could 
not remain much longer. Many times he rallied from 
what was thought to be the last, and, during quiet 
intervals, persistently kept at work upon his "Memoirs." 
Often in intense pain, often standing at what all felt 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 493 

was the door of Death, he still persistently adhered to 
the plan which he had laid down, as characteristically 
as during his conflict with the South ; and he did not 
finally put aside his pen until a few days before the 1st 
of June, when it had written " The End " to his book. 

Then he was removed to Mount MacGregor, where 
the cottage of Joseph W. Drexel had been placed at 
his service ; and, for a time, the mountain air had a 
most exhilarating effect upon the general. He sur- 
vived until the twenty-third day of July, 1885, when 
he died, surrounded by his entire family. On the person 
of the dead hero was found the following : — 

Mount MacGregor, July 9, 1S85. 

Last Message to my Wife, — Look after our dear children, and 
direct them in paths of rectitude. It would distress me far more 
to think that one of them could depart from an honorable, upright 
and virtuous life, than it would to know that they were prostrated 
on a bed of sickness from which they were never to arise alive. 
They have never given us any cause for alarm on their account, 
and I earnestly pray that they never will. With these few injunc- 
tions, and the knowledge I have of your love and affection, I will 
bid you a final farewell until we meet in another, and, I trust, a 
better world. 

The death of Gen. Grant was announced in a procla- 
mation, signed by the President, and counter-signed 
by the Secretary of State, with an order for draping 
the public buildings, and closing all public business on 
the day of the funeral. Similar orders were issued 
by the Secretary of the Navy, and that each vessel of 
the United States navy bear the ensigns at half-mast ; 
that a gun be fired at intervals of every half-hour, 
from sunrise to sunset, at each naval station and on 



494 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

board flag-ships ; that officers of the navy and marine 
corps wear badges of mourning for thirty days. 
Similar proclamations were issued by various governors, 
and North and South alike joined in expressions of love 
and sorrow. 

It was decided that the body of Gen. Grant should 
be buried at Riverside Park, upon the Hudson River. 
No spot could have been more fitting. The arrange- 
ments for the funeral were under the direction of Gen. 
Hancock. 

- In response to a request from Mrs. Grant, President 
Cleveland appointed the following gentlemen as pall- 
bearers : Gen. William T. Sherman, Lieut.-Gen. Philip 
H. Sheridan, Admiral David D. Porter, Vice-Admiral 
Stephen C. Rowan, Gen. Joseph E. Johnson, Gen. 
Simon B. Buckner, Hamilton Fish, George S. Boutwell, 
George W. Childs, Gen. John A. Logan, George Jones, 
and Oliver Hoyt. 

On Tuesday, Aug. 4, private funeral services were 
held at the little cottage on Mount MacGregor, where 
over a thousand people assembled. Shortly after one 
o'clock, the funeral train of draped cars transferred the 
solemn procession to Albany, amid the firing of guns 
and tolling of bells, where the body lay in state for a 
time, and was finally moved to New York. 

While the services were being held at Mount Mac- 
Gregor, a notable audience gathered in Westminster 
Abbey, London. The Duke of Cambridge, Gen. Lord 
Wolseley, and other distinguished officers of the English 
army and navy, were present. Lord Salisbury and 
two members of the Cabinet, Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone, 
and a vast number of representative men and women, 



ULYSSES S. GRANT. 495 

our own Chief Justice Waite, Senator Edmunds, and 
Gen. Hawley were among those that thronged the vast 
building to its utmost capacity, as Archdeacon Farrar 
delivered, a memorial address, abounding in expressions 
of warmest admiration for Gen. Grant. 

While the body lay in state in New York, it is esti- 
mated that two hundred and fifty thousand people 
paid their last tribute of respect to the hero; while no 
less than three million human beings watched the final 
inarch to the tomb. No such impressive burial services 
were" ever accorded an American statesman ; and the 
wide world said Amen to the sentiments with which 
Canon Farrar closed his memorial address : " Let us 
write his virtues on brass for men's example. Let his 
faults, whatever they may have been, be written on 
water." 








.■ 



RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 

The town of Delaware, the county seat of the county 
of Delaware, in the State of Ohio, claims the honor of 
being the birthplace of the eighteenth President of the 
United States. Here, on the 4th of October, 1822, 
Rutherford Birchard Hayes was born, less than three 
months after the death of his father. This father was 
a quick, bright, accurate, and active business man ; he 
could do a great deal of work, and do it well. He was 
rigidly honest, and was esteemed by all who knew him. 

The mother of the future President united force of 
character with sweetness of nature. In village parlance 
she was known as a "good manager," a good Christian, 
and, like her husband, was beloved by all her friends 
and neighbors. She died in October, 1866, at the age 
of seventy-four. 

Rutherford was sent to the ordinary schools of the 
town at an early age, and then, through the agency of 
an uncle, to an academy at Norwalk, O. Here he 
remained one year ; and in the fall of 1837, to complete 
his preparation for college, he was sent to quite a noted 
school at Middletown, Conn., kept by Isaac Webb. 

In the fall of 1838, at the age of sixteen, he entered 

497 



498 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Kenyon College, Ohio, an institution situated forty 
miles north from Columbus, in the village of Gambier. 
In college he excelled as a debater. He was, however, 
a good general student, especially in logic, mental and 
moral philosophy, and mathematics. " He was remark- 
able," says one of his classmates, " for great common- 
sense in his personal conduct ; never uttered a profane 
word ; behaved always like a considerate, mature man." 
Another classmate says, " Hayes had left a memory 
which was a fascination, a glowing memory ; he was 
popular, magnanimous, manly ; was a noble, chivalrous 
fellow, of great promise." On his graduation day Ruth- 
erford delivered the valedictory address, — the sign of 
the highest honor the faculty could bestow upon a 
member of his class. Although the youngest in years, 
he was then accounted the oldest in knowledge. 

Soon after his graduation, Mr. Hayes began the study 
of the law in the office of Thomas Sparrow of Columbus. 
Here again the young student showed great diligence, 
as well as good moral character. On the 22d of August, 
18-13, he entered the law school of Harvard University, 
and finished the course of lectures in January, 1845. 
The law department of the University was at this time 
under the charge of Mr. Justice Story, whose eminence 
as a jurist is only surpassed by that of his bosom friend 
the great Chief Justice John Marshall. Hayes enjoyed 
the friendship of Story, and also of Professor Simon 
Greenleaf, who bore testimony to his diligence, exem- 
plary conduct, and demeanor. While pursuing his law 
studies at the school, he also profited by the additional 
advantage which a residence in Cambridge and his mem- 
bership of the University afforded him. He attended 



RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 499 

the lectures of Professor Longfellow on foreign litera- 
ture, those of Professor Agassiz on the grand themes 
of nature. In Boston he frequently listened to some of 
the model arguments of Webster, and in Quincy he 
visited John Quincy Adams at his home. 

Leaving college, Hayes returned to Ohio, and at once 
proceeded to Marietta, where the ambulatory Supreme 
Court of the State was then in session. Having there 
passed an examination, he was admitted to practise in 
the courts of the State as attorney and counsellor at 
law. 

Hayes began the active work of his profession at 
Lower Sandusky, now Fremont, Sandusky County, O. 
Fortune favored his ambition ; and ere long he had a 
good run of office business, and was frequently employed 
in cases of grave importance. In April, 1846, he formed 
a co-partnership with Ralph P. Buckland, an older 
practitioner, with increased prosperity. 

In November, 1848, in consequence of bleeding at the 
lungs and other evidences of failing health, Mr. Hayes 
left Fremont to pass a winter in Texas. He returned 
to his work in the spring, entirely recovered. But now 
he began to be restless ; the field seemed too narrow 
for him ; he needed, as he thought, the stimulus of a 
wider field. After prospecting for a while, he hired 
an office in Cincinnati, — in January, 1850, — in the 
hopes of attaining greater success. Success came 
slowly, but surely. He had to work hard for it, but he 
did achieve it at last. 

Two years later he was united in marriage to Miss 
Lucy W. Webb. She was the daughter of Dr. James 
Webb, a popular gentleman and successful practising 
physician in Chillicothe, O. 



500 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

The six years following were years of work, in which 
disappointments were few, and successes were many. 
The people came to know Mr. Hayes ; they appreciated 
his worth and character ; so much so, that, in 1859, 
he was, without any effort on his part, chosen city 
solicitor, by the city council of Cincinnati. Says a 
newspaper of that period : " It would have been very 
difficult to have made any other selection of a solicitor 
equally excellent and as generally satisfactory." Mr. 
Hayes filled the office of corporation counsel for three 
years, during which time he passed judgment upon 
questions involving large interests, and discharged with 
fidelity the high duties of an important trust. 

During the national campaign of 1860, Mr. Hayes 
favored the election of Abraham Lincoln. Long before 
the candidacy of Fremont, he had been a most earnest 
and ardent opponent of slavery. He did not think the 
Union should be destroyed to make slavey perpetual; 
he had always desired to mitigate, and finally eradicate, 
that evil. He had prayed for the election of Gen. Har- 
rison for the sake of the country ; he had cast his first 
vote for Henry Clay, his second for Gen. Taylor, and 
his third fur Gen. Scott. But the old Whig party hav- 
ing ceased to be a living organization, he gave his whole 
heart to the Republican party and its cause, and by 
political speeches and in other ways helped forward the 
movement in favor of equality of rights and laws. 

The attention of the country was called to him, and 
in the Republican National Convention of 1876 he 
received the nomination for President, with William A. 
Wheeler as Vice-President, against the opposing candi- 
dates, — Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. 



RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 501 

The electoral campaign was very enthusiastic, with the 
contending parties nearly equally divided ; and when 
the votes were cast it was found that the contest was 
only just begun. 

At the beginning of the year 1877, the country was 
in a state of great excitement respecting the result of 
the presidential election. The votes of Florida, Loui- 
siana, and South Carolina were counted by the canvass- 
ing boards with a result in favor of the Republican 
presidential electors. This result would give Mr. 
Hayes one majority, and secure his election. The Dem- 
ocrats, however, asserted that the canvassing boards in 
each of the above-mentioned States had made an unjust 
canvass, that the popular vote in each had been in 
favor of the Democratic electors by a considerable 
majority, that legal Democratic votes in large num- 
bers had been rejected, and that by the people the 
Democratic candidate for the Presidency had been 
elected. The certificates of the results in each State, 
sent to Washington under the official seal of the respec- 
tive governors, gave the election to Mr. Hayes by one 
vote. As the question was likely to cause much trouble 
in Congress, an Act was passed to refer all contested 
cases to a commission consisting of senators, represen- 
tatives, and judges of the Supreme Court. This "elec- 
toral commission," so called, met, examined all the 
evidence (whether impartially or not the future will 
decide), and declared Mr. Hayes elected. The people 
acquiesced in the decision, and the new President was 
duly inaugurated on the 4th of March of the same 
year. 

At the beginning of his term of service, President 



502 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Hayes's policy in regard to the unsettled state of affairs 
in South Carolina and Louisiana — a policy which was 
wholly conciliatory and just — caused much dissatisfac- 
tion to many of the members of the Republican party, 
but was warmly approved by the general public. He 
also undertook to effect a reform in the civil service 
by the appointment to office of men only of the best 
character and attainments, with less regard to political 
influence. Public officers were forbidden to interfere 
in elections, and members of Congress to dictate in the 
matter of patronage. This way of striking at the root 
of abuses appeared to find no favor with the Republi- 
cans ; and, indeed, all of the recommendations to Con- 
gress, in this direction, were often chiefly sustained and 
carried through by the Democratic members. 

During an extra session of Congress, which assembled 
on Oct. 15, it became manifest that the Republican 
majority in the Senate was very small, that there was a 
lack of harmony between the President and his party, 
and that he could not rely upon its undivided support of 
his measures. At this session, also, the first measure 
of a re-actionary nature, relating to the financial affairs 
of the country, was introduced. It was technically 
designated as the " Silver Bill." The results of the 
financial legislation of Congress, since the close of the 
Rebellion, had been to replace all the bonds of 
the United States which had been issued (payable, 
either principal or interest, in currency or " greenbacks ") 
with new bonds for a longer period, in which both prin- 
cipal and interest were to be paid in coin ; also to 
demonetize silver, or to take from it its legal-tender 
feature, thereby rendering bonds and future specie pay- 



RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 503 

ments payable in gold ; and also the passage of an Act 
requiring the resumption of the payment of specie or 
all Government legal-tender notes on Jan. 1, 1879. 
This involved the payment of specie or national bank 
notes and other similar obligations. The commercial 
transactions of the country had been shrinking since 
September, 1873 ; and with its immense indebtedness to 
governments, corporations, and individuals, a state of 
insolvency and extreme depression prevailed through- 
out the year. The "Silver Bill" was the first legisla- 
tive expression of the point of re-action to which the 
public mind had at that time reached. It subsequently 
passed Congress over the President's veto by more than 
the necessary two-thirds majority. 

The payment of specie in the discharge of public 
contracts, which had been suspended for nearly two- 
thirds of a generation, was fixed by law to commence 
at the close of the year 1878. The resumption, there- 
fore, entered into the consideration of every commer- 
cial and financial enterprise. It became a political 
question, also, and, with other incidental ones, led to 
the formation of a national party. 

The general course of the Administration during 
1878-79 was uneventful, though the assault made upon 
it in the latter year resulted in successes for the 
Republicans at the fall elections. The success of the 
resumption of specie payments, and the abundant crops, 
increased the prosperity of the people, and diminished 
their anxiety on financial issues. 

In 1880 the tenth census of the United States was 
taken by a provision of the Federal Constitution. It 
showed a tfttal population of 50,155,783 living in the 



504 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

States and Territories. Of this number, 43,475,840 
were native, and 6,679,943 were foreign born. The 
ratio of colored to white was as about 1 to 7. 

With but little else than the affairs of peace and 
quiet to be considered, with but few changes in any 
part of the Administration, the attention of the people 
was largely taken up in 1880 by the canvass for the 
presidential election. At the close of the previous 
year Gen. Grant had returned from his tour around the 
world ; and being again, as it appeared, on the top 
wave of popularity, he was once more looked upon as 
a possible candidate for renewed presidential honors. 

The State conventions of Pennsylvania, New York, 
and Illinois instructed their delegates to the national 
convention to cast their votes unitedly for Grant. 
The prominent candidates for the Republican nomina- 
tion, besides Grant, were James G. Blaine of Maine, 
John Sherman of Ohio, and George F. Edmunds of 
Vermont. The Republican convention met at Chicago 
in June, and after thirty-six ballotings (extending 
through two days) nominated James A. Garfield of 
Ohio. The nomination of Gen. Garfield was made 
unanimous on motion of Senator Conkling of New 
York. Gen. Chester A. Arthur of New York was 
nominated for Vice-President. 

The Democratic National Convention gathered in 
June at Cincinnati, and nominated Gen. Winfield Scott 
Hancock as their candidate for the Presidency. Dur- 
ing the remaining months of the } r ear, the canvass was 
conducted with considerable warmth and activity, 
although the leading question of reform or change in 
administration and policy entered into the contest to 



RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. 505 

only a slight degree. The issues of the past, and the 
contests of sections, were still dwelt upon, and the 
resources of political management were brought into 
full play to secure the result. 

The election took place on the 2d of November, 
and the plurality of Garfield over Hancock was 3,033 
votes. The electoral votes cast on the 6th of Decem- 
ber were for Garfield, 214 ; for Hancock, 155. 

The administration of President Hayes was closed 
March 4, 1881, without special incident. 




. 



JAMES A. GARFIELD. 

In a humble log cabin, in the wilderness of Ohio, a 
little fair-haired, blue-eyed boy was born on a bleak 
November day, 1831. The winds whistled through 
the crevices, mingled with the barking of hungry 
wolves in the woods close at hand, to greet the little 
stranger. But a warmer welcome awaited him within, 
where in love and joy he was christened James Abram 
Garfield. 

When he was eighteen months old, his father died, 
leaving to the broken-hearted mother four children and 
a rough frontier farm. The task was before her, and 
must be accomplished ; and with the aid of the two 
older children she worked wonders upon the farm. 
Four years after his father's death, a schoolhouse was 
built a mile and a half away, and James attended with 
his two sisters. The three R's, with spelling and geog- 
raphy, were the only branches taught ; but as soon as 
the boy could read, he devoured every book that came 
within his reach. He had a most remarkable memory, 
and would often commit long passages of poetry. The 
trees about the house he named after noted Indian 
chiefs, and, while yet a lad, would climb a high ledge 

507 



508 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

of rock in the neighborhood, and deliver long harangues 
to imaginary audiences. 

As soon as he was old enough, he worked diligently 
upon the farm during his spare time ; but he constantly 
declared that he would rather be a carpenter, while 
his mother as persistently wished for him to be 
a teacher or a preacher. When James was twelve 
years old, he virtually took control of the farm ; for his 
brother — who was then twenty-one — left home to 
work upon a clearing in Michigan. He tried hard to 
fill his brother's place, but he could never throw his 
whole soul into the work. He was reading and study- 
ing continually, and his thirst for knowledge was con- 
stantly increasing. 

In the fall his brother returned with enough money 
to hire a carpenter to improve upon the log cabin, which 
was fast falling to pieces. James watched the building 
with keen, observant eyes ; and before the house was 
completed he had learned a good part of the trade, 
and practised it beside. • The carpenter was so much 
pleased with the cleverness with which James used his 
mallet, chisel, and plane, that he said, " I think I will 
have to employ you when I want an extra hand." The 
brother went back to Michigan, and the future Presi- 
dent turned again to the work of the farm. But his 
restless spirit longed for a wider field. If he could 
only earn some money, he would be able to buy books. 
Passing the carpenter's shop one day, he saw a pile of 
boards at the door, waiting to be planed ; and, stepping 
inside, he asked for a job. " I will give you a cent a 
board," said the carpenter. To his surprise the lad 
began the work so eagerly that before night he had 



JAMES A. GARFIELD. 509 

carefully planed a hundred boards, each twelve feet 
long. This was the first money which he had ever 
earned. But the boy who could plane a hundred 
boards in a day did not find it difficult to secure work 
at odd intervals thereafter, and before long he had 
earned twenty dollars. 

Soon, however, these tasks seemed too limited for 
his ambition; and he applied to a Mr. Barton, ten miles 
away, for work upon a shed he was erecting. He so 
thoroughly pleased his emploj^er in this, that he offered 
young Garfield fourteen dollars a month to work in his 
potash factory. This was two dollars a month more 
than his brother was earning in Michigan, and James 
was delighted. In time, however, an insatiable longing 
to become a sailor seized upon him ; but fortunately 
none of the family favored his wild scheme, so that he 
went laboriously on with his work at home, attending 
school in the winter, reading whatever books he could 
find, and taking odd jobs in carpentry to add to the 
family income. 

At last his mother gave her consent to his trying one 
trip on Lake Erie, in the hope of quieting his restless- 
ness ; and in his ecstasy the boy walked the entire dis- 
tance to Cleveland. He boarded the first schooner 
that he found lying at the wharf, and was told that the 
captain would soon be up from the hold. Young Gar- 
field had an exalted idea of the important personage, 
and expected to see a fine, noble-looking man, such as 
he had read about in his books, when suddenly there 
came from the hold an indiscriminate collection of 
terrible oaths ; and the boy, stepping one side to let the 
drunken man pass him, was greeted by the gruff ques- 



510 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

tion, " What do yer want here, yer green land-lubber ? " 
— "I'm waiting to see the captain," James replied. 
" Wall, don't yer know him when yer do see him ? " he 
shouted. " Git off my ship, I tell yer, double quick." 
The lad needed no further invitation, but he left on 
board that schooner all his fond fancy for going to sea. 

While wandering about Cleveland, he met a cousin 
who was captain of a canal-boat, and who offered him 
twelve dollars a month to drive for him. His first 
exploit was to get himself and his mules jerked into 
the canal, where, getting astride one of the mules, 
he kept his head above water until rescued. A very 
little of canal-boat life was sufficient to assure him that 
that, too, was not his "bent ; " and as soon as his task 
was completed, he returned to his home with the news, 
which his mother gladly received, that he was going 
to fit himself to be a teacher. 

He went to Chester, to the academy. He had but 
eleven dollars in his pocket at the start ; but he found 
the carpenter in Chester very willing to engage all his 
spare time, and by working in his shop before and 
after school, and all day Saturday, Garfield earned 
enough money to pay all his bills through the term, and 
carry home a few dollars. In the debating society he 
took an active part, astonishing the students with the 
eloquent appeals of their rough, ungainly schoolmate. 
In the long vacation, he found his first opportunitj^ to 
teach school, in his own district. His first day was a 
series of battles with the boys, but after that a most 
friendly relation was established ; and before the 
winter was over, he had won the reputation of being 
the best teacher that had ever " kept school " at the 
" Ledge." 



JAMES A. GAKFIELD. 511 

In the summer vacation he increased his small stock 
of money by working at haying for the farmers. It 
was about this time that the question of slavery began 
to agitate the country. It was laid for discussion at 
the debating society ; and one of his schoolmates, after 
listening to Garfield's fiery denunciations, remarked, 
" Jim ought to go to Congress." The following winter 
he taught school in Warrenville, where he was paid 
sixteen dollars a month and his board. In this school 
some of the pupils wanted to take up geometry, a 
branch which Garfield had never studied ; but, buying 
a text-book, he mastered the science after school-hours, 
and his pupils never dreamed but that he was as famil- 
iar with it as with algebra and arithmetic. 

The third summer he taught school in Zanesville, 
whither he went by the Cleveland and Columbus Rail- 
road, which was his first ride in the cars. While stop- 
ping at Columbus, he visited the Legislature, and 
afterwards remarked that that alone was worth a 
month's schooling. 

In August, 1851, he presented himself at the Hiram 
Institute, where he secured the position of janitor, in 
order to work his way through college. His moral and 
religious faculties were developing as rapidly as his 
intellectual powers ; and his classmates and teachers 
thought, as a matter of necessity almost, that he would 
become a preacher in the Church of the Disciples. 

After spending three years at Hiram, he felt himself 
fitted to enter the junior class in almost any college, 
and wrote to the presidents of Brown University, Yale, 
and Williams. They all replied that he could graduate 
in two years; but President Hopkins of Williams 



512 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

College concluded his letter with the sentence, " If 
you come here, we shall be glad to do what we can for 
you." This touch of friendship decided him, and in 
1854 he presented himself for examination. This he 
passed without difficulty, and soon became a great 
favorite with his class, taking a high standard for accu- 
rate scholarship, and winning honors as a writer, rea- 
soner, and debater. He was also a prominent member 
of the Philological Society, of which he was afterward 
elected president. 

While Garfield was at Williamstown, the anti-slavery 
contest was at white heat ; and at a public gathering, 
he made a powerful speech, denouncing slavery in 
the strongest terms. At the end of his first college 
year, he received a tempting offer to teach in the high 
school at Troy; but, much as he needed the money, he 
determined to finish his college course, and graduated 
in August, 1856. Upon his return to his home, Mr. 
Garfield was immediately appointed professor of ancient 
languages and literature at the Hiram Institute. The 
following year he was elected president of the institute, 
though only twenty-six years of age. At one time, he 
filled the pulpits at Solon and Newburg each Sunday, 
in aid of the Church of the Disciples. He frequently 
preached at " The Disciples " church in Hiram. 

Lucretia Rudolph, a bright and attractive girl who 
had been his schoolmate at Hiram in earlier years, and 
to whom his thoughts were often diverted, was now a 
teacher under him. They had corresponded throughout 
his college life, and their long friendship now ripened 
into love ; and on the eleventh day of November, 
1858, they were united in marriage. Shortly after his 



JAMES A. GARFIELD. 513 

marriage, Garfield entered his name in the law-office of 
Riddle & Williamson, — attorneys in Cleveland, O., — 
as a student of law, and all his spare time was occu- 
pied with law-books. His capacity for work was pro- 
digious ; his interest in politics intense. He would 
spend the day in teaching, and, during the campaign 
of 1856, drive ten and even twenty miles to speak in 
some public gathering in the evening ; while he preached 
on Sundays, almost without interruption, sermons new, 
crisp, and vigorous, all the while carrying on the study 
of the law, and attending to the outside duties encum- 
bent on him as president of the institute. In 1859 
Williams College honored him with an invitation to 
deliver the masters' oration. 

In 1860 he was elected State senator, though 
scarcely thirty years of age at the time, the youngest 
member of the Senate. In less than ten years from the 
time when he first visited Columbus, and rode for the 
first time in a railway-car, he became one of the most 
prominent members of the State Senate. During his 
second term in the Legislature, Fort Sumpter was fired 
upon, and President Lincoln issued the call for seventy- 
five thousand men. The proclamation was hardly read 
in the Senate when Garfield sprang to his feet, and 
moved that Ohio should contribute twenty thousand 
men and three million dollars as the quota of the State. 

As quick to act as to speak, Garfield immediately 
offered his services to Gov. Dennison, who sent him to 
Missouri to obtain five thousand stands of arms, that Gen. 
Lyon had placed there. Later he was sent to Cleveland 
to organize the seventh and eighth regiments of Ohio 
infantry. He was offered a colonelship in one of them, 



514 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

but declined because he had had no military experience ; 
he agreed, however, to take a subordinate position if he 
could serve under a West Point graduate. This promi- 
nent position he was finally compelled to fill, however, 
and his regiment was ordered to join Gen. BuelFs 
forces at Louisville. Gen. Buell made Col. Garfield 
commander of the eighteenth brigade of the Army of 
the Ohio. 

At the very outset, Garfield signalized himself for 
rapid, desperate, and successful action ; equal to any 
emergency, and ready daj' and night. It was through 
his immediate agenc}^ that Kentucky was entirely rid 
of the Rebel hordes, and President Lincoln appointed 
Col. Garfield brigadier-general. During the wearisome 
siege of Corinth, a fugitive slave came into .the camp ; 
and in a few minutes later the master, riding up, with a 
volley of oaths demanded his property. The division 
commander was a believer in the theory that fugitive 
slaves should be returned to their masters, and accord- 
ingly wrote a peremptory order to Gen. Garfield to hunt 
for the fugitive and deliver him over to his master. Gen. 
Garfield took the order, and quietly wrote on the back 
of it, " I respectfully but positively decline to allow 
my command to search for or deliver up any fugitive 
slaves. I conceive that they are here for quite another 
purpose. The command is open, and no obstacles will 
be placed in the way of a search." When reminded by 
one of his officers that these rash words might bring 
him to account, he replied, " The matter may as well 
be tested first as last. Right is right, and I do not 
propose to mince matters at all. My soldiers are here 
for other purposes. Ohio did not send her boys and 
myself down here to do that kind of business." 



JAMES A. GABP1ELD. 515 

The exposure and malarial atmosphere of the South 
began to tell upon the strong physique of the young- 
commander, and he was ordered to reli . Morgan 
of his command at Cumberland Gap ; and the following 
January he joined Gen. Rosecrans, in command of the 
Army of the Cumberland. He became Rosecrans's 
chief of staff, and his confidential adviser and friend. 
In his report oi the battle of Chiekamauga, Gen. I' 
erans wrote. "To Brig.-Geu. James A. Garfield, chief 
of staff, I am especially indented for the clear and 
ready manner in which he seized the points of action 
and movement, and expressed in order the ideas of the 
general commanding." He received the promotion to 
major-general for gallant service in this battle, and 
during the year was elected in Ohio as representative 
to the thirty-eighth Congre.--. Pi Lincoln 
urged him iommission and come to Con- 
•■ J ere are plenty of major-gene; -. id he. 
•'but able statesmen are few and far betwei n." There- 
fore, on the 5th of Decemb< after three years 
of military life, he re-igned his commission, with its 
high emoluments, for the work of a congressman. He 
filled in Congress the very seat left vacant by the death 
of Joshua R. Giddings, the hero of his boyhood. 

Both by nature and education, he seemed especially 
endowed for the office of public speaker : and above 
all and through i - the vital powei varm, 

sympathetic, and generous heart. He had been the 
youngest man in the Ohio senate, the young _ - 

dier-general in the army, and now at the age of thirty- 
two found himself the youngest member of the national 
House of Representatives. From the very first, he 



516 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

made his influence felt ; and breaking down the bars 
that usually restrict the new and younger members of 
Congress, he took up the gantlet, with Thaddeus 
Stevens, N. P. Banks, Roscoe Conkling, and other 
leaders in legislative halls. Old members began to 
realize the growing power that they had in their midst, 
and were not slow to seek Garfield's assistance when 
they had some important measure to bring forward. 

The convention wished to renominate him, but hesi- 
tated, as it was rumored that he was the author of the 
famous Wade-Davis manifesto. With a firm step he 
came upon the platform, and in a brief speech declared, 
that, although he had not written the Wade-Davis 
letter, he was in sympathy with the authors, and that 
if the nineteenth district of Ohio did not want a repre- 
sentative who would assert his independence in thought 
and action, it must find another man. To his astonish- 
ment, he was renominated. He said, " It was a bold 
action on my part perhaps ; but it showed me the truth 
of the old maxim, that ' honesty is the best policy ; ' and 
I have ever since been entirely independent in my rela- 
tions with the people in my district." 

On his return to Congress, he was placed upon the 
ways and means committee, at the request of the Sec- 
retary of State. Upon the tariff question he said, " I 
hold that a properly adjusted competition between 
home and foreign products is the best gauge to regu- 
late internal trade. Duties should be so high that our 
manufacturers can fairly compete with the foreign 
product, but not so high as to enable them to drive out 
the foreign article, enjoy a monopoly of trade, and regu- 
late the price as they picas.'." Finding that no one in 



JAMES A. GARFIELD. 517 

Congress had made a business of examining in detail 
the various appropriations of public money, Garfield 
took the arduous task upon his own shoulders, so that 
he might vote more intelligently. Having made out 
a careful anal}' sis, he delivered it before the House ; and 
it was so well received, that each succeeding year 
another was called for, till " Garfield's budget speech " 
became an institution in Congress ; and a few years 
later he was made chairman of the committee on 
appropriations. 

Directly after the assassination of President Lincoln, 
a furious mob gathered in the thoroughfares of New 
York, clamoring for revenge. A man suspected of Rebel 
sentiments was shot in the street; and the wild rabble, 
bearing a roughly constructed gallows, started madly 
down the street for the office of " The World,'' when 
suddenly a tall, manly figure appeared, holding a small 
flag in his hand. " Another telegram from Washing- 
ton," cried the excited mob ; and, silenced for a 
moment, the people heard the stranger in clear, deep 
tones begin, " Fellow-citizens, clouds and darkness arc 
round about Him; justice and judgment are the estab- 
lishment of his throne ; mercy and truth shall go before 
his face. Fellow-citizens, God reigns, and the Gov- 
ernment at Washington still lives/' The crowd stood 
riveted to the ground. It was a triumph of eloquence 
inspired by the moment, such as falls to but one man's 
lot, and but once in a lifetime. Webster and Clay 
never reached it. It silenced the maddened crowd; it 
quelled the mob. " God reigns, and the Government 
at Washington still lives." And when they asked who 
he was who spoke, some one who knew him answered, 
" It is Gen. Garfield of Ohio." 



518 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

A year later, in Congress, he delivered his grand 
eulogy upon Abraham Lincoln, the martyred President. 
His home in Washington, overlooking Franklin Square, 
was one of the pleasantest resorts in the city, with many 
fine paintings and an elaborate library ; for the owner 
never for a moment relaxed his love of books, and his 
mind was a capacious reservoir. It was a common 
saying in Congress, that no man in Washington could 
stand before the army of facts that Garfield could bring 
forward at a moment's notice ; while the record of the 
Congressional library showed that he took out more 
books than any other member of Congress. 

In the famous salary bill, Garfield was in the opposi- 
tion, for he held that Congress had no right to increase 
its own pay ; but those who favored the plan had attached 
it to another bill, that he felt must pass. President 
Hinsdale says, " On Monday I happened to pass the 
room of the committee on appropriations, and I found 
Gen. Garfield walking up and down the corridor. He 
said to me, 'I have got to decide in fifteen minutes 
whether I will sign that bill or not. If I do, I go on 
record as indorsing a measure that I have been oppos- 
ing; if I do not, I lose all control of the bill. It will 
be reported to the House by Gen. Butler, and he will 
control the debate. The session of Congress ends to- 
morrow; and, if the bill fails to pass, this Congress will 
expire without making provisions for carrying on the 
Government.' He signed the bill eventually ; but im- 
mediately upon receiving his back pay, Gen. Garfield 
returned the money to the Treasury. 

His record in Congress is exceptionally free from even 
the suggestion of suspicion. To the Ohio senate, 



JAMBS A. GARFIELD. 519 

shortly after his election, Garfield said, "During the 
twenty years that I have now been in the public service, 
I have tried to do one thing. I have represented for 
many years a district, in Congress, whose approbation 
I greatly desired ; but, though it may seem a little 
egotistical to say it, I yet desired still more the appro- 
bation of one person, and his name is Garfield. He is 
the only man that I am compelled to sleep with, eat 
with, and die with , and, if I could not have his approba- 
tion, I should have bad companionship." Nevertheless, 
he did not entirely escape the distressing ordeal of 
slander and scandal which has been meted out with a 
generous hand to every prominent American. 

The National Convention of the Republican party 
that met in Chicago in June, 1880, will long be remem- 
bered in the annals of the country. The thircUterm 
question was vigorously pressed. Three prominent 
candidates were in the field, — Grant, Blaine, and Sher- 
man, all vigorously supported by able men. Garfield 
was among the delegates from Ohio, and an enthusiastic 
supporter of Sherman. The battle raged in the con- 
vention till Saturday night without a decisive vote. 
On Sunday Mr. Garfield said to a friend, "This is a day 
of suspense, but it is also a day of prayer ; and I have 
more faith in the prayers of to-day than in the political 
tactics at the convention. ,, Twenty-eight ballots were 
cast on Monday without result. On Tuesdaj* Wiscon- 
sin made a break, giving thirty-six votes for James A. 
Garfield ; Connecticut, Illinois, and Indiana followed. 
Garfield immediately rose to his feet, and said that he 
refused to have his name announced and voted for in 
the convention. But the chairman interrupted him, 



520 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

saying that he was not stating a question of order, and 
the enthusiasm for the new candidate rose to a high 
pitch. An eye-witness wrote of it : "I shall never for- 
get the expression on Garfield's face, as delegation 
after delegation, breaking from its moorings, went over 
to him. He looked anxious, almost troubled. When 
the president of the convention announced that James 
A. Garfield of Ohio received three hundred and ninety- 
nine ballots, Senator Conklmg moved that it be made 
unanimous ; and the nomination once made popular, 
enthusiasm knew no bounds. The Republican party 
throughout was well satisfied." Gen. Arthur of New 
York was nominated Vice-President. 

The next morning Mr. Garfield left for his home in 
Mentor, and the journey proved a continual scene of 
ovations. At Cleveland a salute of a thousand guns 
was fired. He had promised to deliver the address at 
the commencement exercises at Hiram College, and left 
Cleveland as quietly as possible for that place. On the 
way he said to a friend, " I never sought but one office 
in my life, and that was the office of janitor at the 
Hiram Institute." 

The news of the nomination at Chicago was received 
with unfeigned delight throughout the country. The 
Republican press, too, was unanimous in his favor. In 
the election he carried twenty of the thirty-eight States, 
receiving two hundred and fourteen electoral votes. 
Garfield himself wrote: "I believe all my friends are 
more gratified with the personal part of my triumph than 
I am ; and although I am proud of the noble support 
I have received, and the vindication it gives me against 
my assailants, yet there is a tone of sadness running 
through this triumph which I can hardly explain.*' 



JAMES A. GARFIELD. 521 

The months which elapsed between the election 
and inauguration were spent by Garfield at his quiet 
home at Mentor. The journey from Mentor to Wash- 
ington was another series of ovations. The inaugural 
address was frequently applauded by the vast audience. 
At the close of the address, the oath of office was ad- 
ministered by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, 
and James A. Garfield became President of the United 
States. The following day, the President announced 
to the Senate, in special session, the following names for 
his cabinet : James G. Blaine, Secretary of State ; Wil- 
liam Windom, Secretary of the Treasury ; Samuel J. 
Kirkwood, Secretary of the Interior; William If. Hunt, 
Secretary of the Navy ; Robert T. Lincoln, Secretary of 
War ; Thomas L. James, Postmaster-General ; Wayne 
MacVeagh, Attorney-General. 

Two great problems confronted President Garfield 
as he assumed the reins of Government, — the national 
debt and a half million impatient office-seekers. In 
the former, Garfield's accurate knowledge of political 
economy and finance developed plans destined to save 
the country many millions of dollars ; but the second 
problem was not to be solved so easily. The baleful 
influence of the spoils system was being seriously felt. 
The theory had become dominant, that the party owed 
every supporter a living. President Garfield thoroughly 
opposed the system, and desired to make such appoint- 
ments as were for the manifest good of the whole coun- 
try ; but it was impossible for him to do this without 
exciting opposition, and a rupture in the Senate imme- 
diately followed : so that the first weeks of his admin- 
istration presented a continued series of hotly contested 
battles. 



522 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

On the morning of July 2 the President rose at an 
early hour, preparatory to turning from the harassing 
disturbances of the past few weeks, and seek rest and 
recreation in a ten days' trip in New England, accom- 
panied by his wife and a few members of his cabinet. 
The trip was intended to include the commencement 
exercises at Williams College. Not a breath whispered 
of impending danger, or a note of warning sounded in 
the clear atmosphere of the bright July morning. Arm 
in arm with the Secretary of State, the President passed 
through the broad entrance door at the railway station 
and into the ladies' waiting-room, which gave them the 
readiest access to the train beyond. The room was 
nearly empty, as most of the passengers had already 
taken their seats in the cars. As the President passed 
through the room, an ill-favored man suddenly sprang be- 
hind him, and, taking a heavy revolver from his pocket, 
deliberately aimed and fired. At the sharp report, the 
President turned his head with a look of surprise, when 
the wretch recocked his pistol, set his teeth, and fired 
again. The President fell senseless to the floor. He 
was soon tenderly placed upon a mattress and carried 
without delay to the White House. The first ball had 
passed through the arm just below the shoulder, with- 
out breaking any bones ; the second entered just over 
the hips. The condition was most critical, and the indi- 
cations were that he could live but a few hours. Life 
hung upon the merest thread, but slowly and surely 
the tide began to turn. Sunday morning he was pro- 
nounced much better, and in broken slumber he mur- 
mured to himself, " The great heart of the people 
will not let the old soldier die." Thus the Fourth of 



JAMES A. GARFIELD. 523 

July was ushered in with mingled feelings of hope and 
fear. 

The assassin, Charles Guiteau, came to Washington 
on Sunday evening, March 6, and on May 18 deter- 
mined to murder the President. He had no money ; 
but on the 8th of June he borrowed fifteen dollars, on 
the plea that he wanted to pay his board-bill, and gave 
ten of it for a pistol. From that time on he watched 
his opportunity. At various times he had almost suc- 
ceeded before the fatal shot was fired. Thus, without 
cause or provocation, one of the most atrocious crimes 
of history was committed. 

Every effort which love and expense could suggest 
was made for the comfort of the wounded man, and 
every possible skill was exerted to preserve his life. 
Early in September, he was removed to Long Branch. 
Many times the President rallied : many times the 
hopes of America were roused. But again and again 
re-action came ; and on the 19th of September, at 10.35 
P.M., President Garfield died. The tolling of bells in 
every city, town, and village throughout the country 
announced the sad tidings. Among the very first 
expressions of condolence received was a telegram from 
Queen Victoria, and another from Minister Lowell. 
The whole world seemed full of sympathy and 
sorrow. 

On the 21st of September, the casket was placed in 
the parlor of the cottage at Long Branch. Brief reli- 
gious services were read by the Rev. C. J. Young 
of the Dutch Reformed Church at Long Branch, 
and the casket was placed in a funeral car. At 
Princeton, the students scattered flowers along the 



524 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

track. At four p.m., the train reached Washington, and 
the casket was at once borne to the Capitol. All night 
long the stream of visitors passed through the rotunda'. 
At least forty thousand people gathered in the Capitol 
to witness the start of the funeral procession, while the 
streets were more densely thronged than on the 4th of 
March. The Second Artillery Band played the funeral 
march ; and on reaching the station the casket was 
borne from the hearse upon the shoulders of six sol- 
diers, and placed in the funeral car with a guard of 
honor of ten officers from the army and navy. The 
sad journey to Cleveland was marked by touching trib- 
utes of affection. After lying in state through Satur- 
day and Sunday in the Park at Cleveland, the remains 
of President Garfield were solemnly committed to the 
tomb at Lake View Cemetery. The twenty-sixth day 
of September was appointed by President Arthur as a 
national day of mourning. Public buildings through- 
out the country, and many private residences, were 
draped and decorated with beautiful and appropriate 
emblems of the nation's sorrow. 

A subscription fund for Mrs. Garfield and her chil- 
dren closed on the fifteenth day of October, amounting 
to $ 360,345.75. A Garfield monument-fund was organ- 
ized in Cleveland immediately after the funeral. And 
thus, in many ways, the country showed its warm 
appreciation for the man who had risen to be its chief 
magistrate, only to fall before the miserable assassin, — 
a martyred President. 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 



( 



About 1820, a young Protestant Irishman from 
Ballymena, Antrim County, named William Arthur, 
set sail for this country, following the great tide of 
immigration. He was eighteen years of age, a gradu- 
ate of Belfast College, and thoroughly imbued with 
the desire to be a Baptist clergyman. Persevering in 
this, he was soon admitted to the ministry, and began 
a career of usefulness which only terminated in 1875, 
when he died. He was in many respects a remarkable 
man, and acquired a wide reputation, not only in his 
chosen career, but in the great competition of authors. 
Pie published a work on " Family Names " which is cer- 
tainly one of the curiosities of English literature. For 
eight years he was pastor of the Calvary Baptist 
Church in New-York City. He married an American 
lady, and their family consisted of two sons and five 
daughters. One of the sons — Chester Alan Arthur — 
was born at Fairfield, Franklin County, Vt., Oct. 5, 
1830. 

In his boyhood he attended school at Union Village 
and Schenectady. At the outset he had certain advan- 
tages over most of the children about him. He was 

525 



526 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

surrounded by impressive influences, which, in the for- 
mation of his character, had beneficial effects. He was 
trained in a religious home by a father of piety and 
learning. With such assistance, he was enabled, at the 
early age of fifteen, to enter Union College ; and, two 
years later, he graduated high in his class""/] During his 
college course he partly supported himself by teach- 
ing. Having become a member of the Psi Upsilon 
Society, he was one of six in a class of a hundred who 
were elected members of the Phi Beta Kappa Soci- 
ety, the condition of admission to which was high 
scholarship. 

He chose the law as his future profession, and began 
his legal studies immediately after leaving college, in 
1848, continuing to reside with his father at Lansing- 
burg. In the mean time he fitted boys for college ; and 
in 1851 he was principal of an academy at North' 
Pownal, Vt., at which institution, three years later, 
James A. Garfield, then a student in Williams College, 
taught penmanship during his winter vacation. Mr. 
Arthur's career had been marked by steady habits and 
sturdiness of character, and he had also proven the 
excellence of his mind. While studying books, he was 
always a close observer of the important events of the 
period ; and by personal contact with his father's friends, 
he formed the character and some of the purposes 
which afterwards made him prominent. 

In 1833 young Arthur went to New- York City, 
entered as a student the law-office of Hon. Erastus D. 
Culver, was admitted to the bar the same year, and at 
once became a member of the firm of Culver, Parker & 
Arthur. Mr. Culver had been an anti-slavery member 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 527 

of Congress from Washington County at the time 
when Arthur's father was pastor of the Baptist church 
at Greenwich in that county. Gerrit Smith, another of 
the most prominent abolitionists in the country, was 
also an intimate friend of Dr. Arthur, and sometimes 
occupied the hitter's pulpit. Mr. Culver, Mr. Smith, 
and William Lloyd Garrison, another leading advocate 
of the abolition of slavery, were frequent visitors at 
the Arthur residence ; and from intimacy with these 
gentlemen, and association with other kindred spirits, 
young Arthur naturally formed those sentiments of 
hostility to slavery, to which he first gave public 
expression in the famous Lemmon slave case. 

It occurred in 1852. Jonathan and Juliet Lemmon, 
Virginia slave-holders, intending to emigrate to Texas, 
went to New York to take the steamer, bringing eight 
slaves with them, when a writ was obtained from Judge 
Paine to decide whether the slave-law was in force in 
that State. Judge Paine ordered the eight slaves to be 
liberated. A howl of rage went up from the South, and 
the Virginia Legislature authorized the attorney-general 
to make an appeal. William M. Evarts and Chester A. 
Arthur were employed to represent the people of New 
York, and they won the case. It then went to the 
Supreme Court of the United States, where Charles 
O'Conor was added to the slave-holders' cause ; but 
he, too, was beaten by Evarts and Arthur, and thus 
a long step was taken toward the final emancipation 
of the blacks. 

Another case was that of Lizzie Jennings, a colored 
woman, roughly expelled from a Fourth-avenue horse- 
car because she was black, in 1856. For her Mr. 



528 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Arthur brought suit against the railroad company, and 
obtained a verdict of five hundred dollars damages in 
favor of the colored woman. The money was paid 
by the road, and the next day the company issued an 
order to permit colored persons to ride on their cars. 
Other companies quickly followed their example. 

M>r- Arthur was married in October, 1859, to Miss 
Ellen Lewis Herndon of Fredericksburg, Va., a daugh- 
ter of Capt. William Lewis Herndon, formerly a dis- 
tinguished officer of the United-States navy, whose 
bravery and heroism in the disaster to the merchant 
steamer, the "-Central America," in 1857, was recog- 
nized by Congress voting his widow a sum equal to 
three years' pay of a commander in the navy, as a 
token of appreciation of his conduct. ~\ 

With an accomplished hostess and a genial host, the 
Arthur residence in New York naturally became an 
attractive social resort. 

Mr. Arthur had an inherent taste for military affairs, 
and was an able organizer and administrator. In 1859 
he was judge advocate of the second brigade of New- 
York militia ; in 1860, upon the accession of Hon. 
Edwin D. Morgan to the governorship, Mr. Arthur was 
appointed engineer-in-chief on his staff. When the 
war broke out, Gov. Morgan made Arthur inspector- 
general, and later quartermaster-general, of the military 
forces of the State. In the latter position he served 
with marked ability till the expiration of Gov. 
Morgan's term, late in 1863. He threw his whole soul 
into the work of equipping, supplying, and forwarding 
to the field of battle the immense number of soldiers 
furnished by the Empire State. As proof of his capa- 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 529 

bility, in the report made by his successor in this office^ 
— a gentleman of opposite politics — appears the 
statement : " I found, on entering upon the discharge 
of my duties, a well-organized system of labor and 
accountability, for which the State is chiefly indebted 
to my predecessor, Gen. Chester A. Arthur, who, by 
his practical good sense and unremitting exertion at 
a period when every thing was in confusion, reduced 
the operations of the department to a matured plan, by 
which large amounts of money were saved to the gov- 
ernment, and great economy of time in carrying out 
the details of the same." 

Gen. Arthur was consulted in regard to the defences 
of New- York Harbor; and in the winter of 1861, as a 
member of a board of engineers, he submitted a report 
of importance, showing the condition of the national 
forts, both on the seacoast and on the inland border of 
the State. He was present, by invitation, at the famous 
meeting of "loyal governors" in 1862, to discuss 
measures for providing troops for the vigorous prosecu- 
tion of the civil war. He was the only participant in 
that important conference who was not the governor 
of a State. The result of their deliberations was the 
advice to President Lincoln, upon which, two days 
afterward, he issued the call for three hundred 
thousand volunteers. 

In the winter of 1863-64 Gen. Arthur resumed the 
practice of the law, and continued active in his 
profession for about ten years, still taking a deep 
interest in politics. In early life he was identified with 
what Avere known as the " Henry Clay "Whigs," and 
was a delegate to the convention at Saratoga, which 



530 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

founded the Republican party of New York. He was 
chairman of the Central Grant Club in 1868, and in 
1879 he became chairman of the executive committee 
of the Republican State Committee. 

President Grant manifested his appreciation of Gen. 
Arthur's ability by appointing him, in 1871, to the 
office of collector of customs of the port of New York, 
the most important Federal office in the metropolis. 
At the expiration of his four years' term, he was again 
commissioned by President Grant for another term. 
When this second nomination was sent to the Senate 
for approval, it was confirmed unanimously the same 
day, without the customary reference to a committee, — 
a courtesy never before extended to an appointee who 
had not been a senator. 

He was a faithful and efficient public official. His 
conduct has been searched in vain for an error or 
offence ; yet after he had served about six years, he was 
removed by the Hayes administration, and offered a 
foreign mission. This he declined, and, on the basis of 
civil-service reform, temporarily held his position. 
At the opening of the next session of Congress, the 
President sent to the Senate the nominations of two 
gentlemen as successors to Collector Arthur and Sur- 
veyor Cornell. They were rejected by the Senate, the 
effect of which was to still retain Arthur and Cornell 
in office. Six months later, however, when Congress 
adjourned, the Administration took advantage of the 
absence of the Senate, and they were suspended, and 
their successors took possession of the offices. At the 
next session of the Senate, the influence of the Admin- 
istration proved sufficient to secure the confirmation of 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 531 

the successors. The controversy was remitted to the 
Republicans of New York, and their opinion was given 
in the succeeding fall by the election of Mr. Cornell to 
the governorship of the State ; while Mr. Arthur was 
considered a candidate for United-States senator. 

A year later Gen. Arthur was among the earnest 
advocates for the election of Gen. Grant to succeed 
President Hayes, and, as a delegate at large to the Chi- 
cago convention, he labored for that result ; but the 
delegates who were opposed to a third term for Gen. 
Grant combined and nominated Gen. Garfield. A gen- 
eral desire at once arose in the convention to nominate 
for Vice-President some advocate of Grant and a resi- 
dent of New-York State. The delegation from that 
State indicated their preference for Gen. Arthur ; and, 
before the roll-call began, the nomination of Arthur 
was a foregone conclusion. On the first ballot he 
received four hundred and sixty-eight votes against two 
hundred and eighty-three for all other persons, and his 
nomination was made unanimous. 

During the session of Congress which immediately 
followed his election as Vice-President, Gen. Arthur 
spent much time in the Senate chamber, observing the 
proceedings, and making the acquaintance of the mem- 
bers of the body over which he was to preside, prepar- 
atory to managing the affairs of his new office with 
ability and confidence. He took the oath as Vice- 
President of the United States in the Senate chamber, 
at the close of the "last regular session of the Senate, 
just as the Forty-sixth Congress expired, at noon on 
March 4, 1881, and immediately assumed the chair 
to preside over the Senate in special session, called 



532 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

by proclamation of the outgoing President, for the 
purpose of considering such business and nominations 
as might be submitted by the new President. 

This exciting and memorable session was prolonged 
for seventy-six days by the efforts of the Republicans 
to elect their nominees for prominent offices, against 
dilatory tactics employed by the Democrats, and by the 
controversy over the nomination by President Garfield 
for collector of the port of New York of William H. 
Robertson, who had been one of the New-York leaders 
at the Chicago convention who opposed the nomination 
of Grant for a third term. The parliamentary compli- 
cations in the Senate began early in this session ; and 
before the expiration of a week, Vice-President Arthur 
was obliged to decide by his vote a very important 
question, on which the two parties were arrayed in 
active opposition. 

Gen. Arthur became Vice-President under favorable 
auspices and pleasing circumstances ; but he succeeded 
to the Presidency under conditions more unfavorable, 
and circumstances more discouraging, than those which 
have attended any other President. The unfortunate 
controversy about the distribution of official patronage 
which had grown up between President Garfield and 
members of his party, most of whom were or had been 
intimate associates of Gen. Arthur, had become more 
and more serious. The split in the party had widened 
till a crisis was reached when the New- York senators 
Conklinc: and Piatt resigned their seats in the Senate. 
The Vice-President had done all in his power to pre- 
vent the break, but it could not be averted. Political 
excitement throughout the country had been aroused 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 538 

to a high pitch, when, on July 2, the fanatic Guiteau 
shot President Garfield. 

The attempted assassination of the President, under 
such circumstances, convulsed the nation, and created 
grave apprehensions. 

Cruel misjudgments were formed concerning Gen. 
Arthur and all who were associated with him in close 
personal and political relations. In some isolated 
instances anger and desire for revenge were expressed. 
The public mind was perturbed and restless; and Gen. 
Arthur, by the very necessity of his position, became 
the object of most causeless and cruel suspicions and 
assaults. Although not directly charged with sympa- 
thy with the assassination, still he was made to feel a 
distrust which impaired his usefulness, and threatened 
his administration with failure. 

President Garfield was shot July 2, 1881, when, 
accompanied by Secretary Blaine, he was walking 
through the railway station in Washington, .to take a 
train for New York ; and while he lay suffering and 
gradually dying from the effects of the wound made by 
the assassin's bullet, Vice-President Arthur remained 
at his residence in New- York City, refraining from 
any participation in political affairs. The question of 
the inability of the President to perform the duties of 
his office was publicly and seriously discussed by 
many of the leading statesmen and lawyers of the 
country. But it was thought that it would be sufficient 
fur the successor to qualify promptly in the event of 
the President's death ; and it was maintained that the 
cabinet could not take upon itself the right to decide 
when the " inability " of the President began or ceased. 



534 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Vice-President Arthur was himself averse to taking 
any action while the President lived. Nevertheless, he 
realized that this question might involve the existence 
of the government and the liberties of the people; and 
after his accession, in his first annual message to Con- 
gress, he asked that body to define the Constitution in 
its specification of the " inability " of the President, as 
one of the contingencies which calls the Vice-President 
to the exercise of presidential functions. 

On the death of President Garfield, on the night of 
Sept. 19, 1881, the cabinet at once announced the fact 
to the Vice-President, then in New- York City ; and, at 
their suggestion, Mr. Arthur took the oath as Presi- 
dent of the United States, at 2.15 o'clock the next 
morning, at his residence, before Judge Brady of the 
Supreme Court. President Arthur immediately tele- 
graphed to the cabinet, all of the members of which 
were at Elberon : — 

I have your message announcing the death of President 
Garfield. Permit me to renew through you the expression of 
sorrow and sympathy which I have already telegraphed to Attor- 
ney-General MacVeagh. In accordance with your suggestion, I 
have taken the oath of office as President before the Hon. John R. 
Brady, Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of New York. 
I will soon advise you further in regard to the other suggestion in 
your telegram. 

C. A. ARTHUR. 

In accordance with the custom of having the Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States 
administer the oath to the President, on Sept. 22 the 
oath of office was again taken before Chief-Justice 
Waite. This ceremony having been performed, 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 535 

President Arthur read his inaugural address. It was 
the first time in the history of the nation that two 
ex-Presidents were witnesses when a new President 
took the oath. Ex-Presidents Grant and Hayes occu- 
pied prominent positions in the room. The solemnity 
of the occasion was heightened by the consciousness of 
the fact that a fourth President lay dead in another 
part of the Capitol building. 

As President of the United States, Mr. Arthur gave 
the country an administration with which little fault 
has been found. To a friend he said, early in his 
administration, " My sole ambition is to enjoy the 
confidence of my countrymen." His cabinet, selected 
with deliberation, acted in cordial unity with him and 
with each other. The only changes were caused by the 
death of two of the members. 

During Arthur's administration, the tariff laws were 
partly revised, with a view to a reduction of revenue, 
while giving " aid and protection to American labor." 
The public debt was reduced nearly $500,000,000, 
internal revenue stamp taxes were repealed, and the 
number of collection districts was reduced. The 
entire postal service was greatly improved. Letter- 
postage was reduced from three cents per half ounce 
to two cents per one ounce, and newspaper-postage and 
rates on printed matter generally were also reduced. 
Provision was made for adjudication of the French spo- 
liation claims, which had long awaited payment, and for 
the final distribution of the remainder of the $15,000,- 
000 paid by Great Britain to the United States in satis- 
faction for claims of American citizens for losses 
sustained on account of depredations by Rebel cruisers 



536 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

fitted out in British ports. Affairs of the Indians were 
wisely conducted, and progress made toward the edu- 
cation of Indian children. 

In three or four instances, when the President's con- 
victions of public duty would not permit him to assent 
to Acts of Congress presented to him for approval, he 
exercised his veto power in moderate language, arous- 
ing no feelings of hostility. His personal relations 
with senators and members, without distinction of 
party, were of the most cordial character. 

The last official act of President Arthur was pecul- 
iarly appropriate. Reciprocal regard had often been 
manifested between ex-President Grant and President 
Arthur. In his later years Gen. Grant had become dis- 
pirited by reason of disappointment and serious losses ; 
and President Arthur, having deep sympathy for the 
hero of Appomattox, in his last annual message, rec- 
ommended that Congress should vote to the general a 
pension, commensurate with his character and past ser- 
vices. While this plan was taking shape, Gen. Grant 
announced publicly that he would not accept a pension. 
Immediately President Arthur came to the rescue with 
a more practical suggestion, by which adequate relief 
could be given to his friend without wounding his 
pride, and at the same time a vote of confidence and 
faith in the old commander could be publicly given by 
the representatives of the people of the whole country. 
This suggestion found ready response in Congress. A 
bill was promptly introduced in the Senate .by Mr. 
Edmunds of Vermont, authorizing the President to 
appoint on the retired list of the army of the United 



CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 537 

States, " from among those who had been generals 
commanding the armies of the United States, or gen- 
erals-in-chief of said army, one person with the rank 
and full pay of such general or general-in-chief, as the 
case may be." Mr. Edmunds said, " Every senator will 
see the object and purpose and application of the bill. 
It will authorize the President of the United States to 
appoint Ulysses S. Grant on the retired list of the army, 
and it will enable the United States to pay this act 
of gratitude and justice to Gen. Grant." The bill 
passed both Houses, and it was with unmistakable sat- 
isfaction that President Arthur wrote his signature of 
approval upon it. 

A subject of universal comment was the graceful 
demeanor of President Arthur during the ceremonies 
at the Capitol, attending the inauguration of his suc- 
cessor, Grover Cleveland, and when he afterward rode 
through Pennsylvania Avenue beside the new Presi- 
dent, and then for hours stood or sat by Mr. Cleveland 
in front of the Executive Mansion, participating in the 
grand review, — an imposing and remarkable demon- 
stration in honor of the return to power of the Demo- 
cratic party, after an exclusion of a quarter of a 
century. 

Gen. Arthur did not long survive after retiring from 
the presidential office. He died of apoplexy, at his 
residence in New-York City, Nov. 18, 1886. His 
remains were taken to Albany, and buried by the side 
of those of his wife, in the family burial-place in Rural 
Cemetery. The funeral in New-York City was 
attended by President Cleveland and his cabinet, Chief- 



538 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

Justice Waite, ex-President Hayes, Hon. James G. 
Blaine, Gens. Sherman, Sheridan, and Schofield, the 
surviving members of President Arthur's cabinet, by 
many other officials, and by a concourse of true 
friends. 



GROVER CLEVELAND. 

The return of the Democratic party to power was 
signalled in the election of Grover Cleveland to the 
presidential office in 1884. He is descended from an 
old English family, with the record of nearly two hun- 
dred years in America. The family first settled in 
Connecticut, and its history has been chiefly one of 
religious activity. Dr. Aaron Cleveland, an ances- 
tor of the President, was an Episcopalian minister in 
Philadelphia, an intimate friend of Benjamin Franklin, 
at whose home he died in 1757. Benjamin Franklin 
wrote of the death, in " The Pennsylvania Gazette/' of 
which he was then editor : " His death is greatly 
lamented by all who knew him, as a loss to the public, 
a loss to the Church of Christ, and in particular to that 
congregation who had proposed to themselves so much 
satisfaction from his late appointment among them." 
He left a son, born in East Haddam, Conn., in 1744, 
who, shortly after his father's death, returned to Con- 
necticut, and spent the greater part of his life in 
Norwich, distinguishing himself by his opposition to 
slavery. He was a member of the Connecticut Legis- 
lature, and introduced the bill for the abolition of 

539 



540 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

slavery in his State. He was also a minister of the 
Congregational Church. 

Richard Falley Cleveland, the father of the Presi- 
dent, was born in Norwich, Conn., graduated from Yale 
College in 1824, and from the Princeton Theological 
Seminary as a Presbyterian clergyman. Grover Cleve- 
land's mother was a Baltimore lady. The young clergy- 
man's first parish was in Windham, Conn. ; the second at 
Portsmouth, Va. ; and the third at Caldwell, N.J., where 
Grover Cleveland was born on the 18th of March, 1837, 
the fifth of nine children. 

When three years old, his father was called to the 
church at Fayetteville, near Syracuse, N.Y., where the 
children made diligent use of the village school, and in 
1851 removed to Clinton with his large family of chil- 
dren, where his salary was a thousand dollars a year, 
which was much in increase of what he had been 
receiving. While here, Grover was obliged to accept 
a position in the village store, adding materially to the 
resources of the family by his salary of fifty dollars a 
year. In 1853 his father died ; and, forced to any 
alternative to increase the limited resources of the fam- 
ily, Grover secured a situation as bookkeeper and 
assistant teacher in an institution for the blind in New- 
York City, though at the time he was only sixteen 
years old. 

A year later he set out for the West, determined to 
seek a wider field, where possibly he might accomplish 
his earnest desire of becoming a lawyer. In Buffalo 
he met an uncle, who gave him a temporary position 
with small remuneration, sufficient for his necessary 
expenses, and in a few months secured him a position in 



GROVER CLEVELAND. 541 

the law office of Messrs. Rogers, Bowen, & Rogers. He 
was admitted to the bar in 1859. When the war broke 
out, he was anxious to become a soldier ; but two of his 
brothers went into the army, and it became necessary 
for him to remain at home to assist the family. 

In politics he was what was known as a war Democrat ; 
and in 1863 he was appointed assistant district-attorney 
for the county of Erie. In 1870, at the age of thirty- 
three, he was elected sheriff of Erie County, at the close 
of which term of service he entered into a law-partner- 
ship with Mr. W. S. Bissell, in the firm of Cleveland & 
Bissell, which continued until he was elected governor 
of New York. 

As a lawyer, he was fluent, terse, and forcible. His 
clear apprehension of legal principles, and his logical 
statement of them, rendered him successful. His law- 
partner said of him, that he never knew a man capable 
of so many hours of strenuous mental labor as Mr. 
Cleveland ; but that he was never so industrious as 
when working for the rights of some poor man. As a 
friend and companion, he was genial and unassuming, 
frank, generous, and open-hearted. 

There had grown up a decided dissatisfaction in Buf- 
falo with the way in which the city government was 
managed ; and in 1881 many Republicans were ready 
to unite with the Democrats in the election of a mayor, 
provided an able and upright man could be found for 
a candidate. Mr. Cleveland was the one selected. He 
at first refused to have his name used in nomination, 
being too much occupied in his profession. He was at 
length forced to accept the nomination, however ; and, 
though the city is largely Republican, he was elected 
by a majority of thirty-five hundred. 



542 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

A few months after assuming office, one of the 
Republican journals of the city said of him : " The 
people feel, without distinction of party, that they have 
in Mayor Cleveland an able, fearless, upright chief 
magistrate, who will not abuse the trust reposed in him, 
but will use his best endeavors for their welfare, and to 
promote the interests of the city." In the eleven 
months that he was mayor, he saved the city of Buffalo 
over a million dollars, and at the very outset of his 
public career became somewhat celebrated for the dar- 
ing common-sense of his vetoes. 

The year 1882, in a political view, was memorable 
and influential in the history of the country. There 
had been a growing discontent among the Democrats 
and Republicans, which was rapidly forming a well- 
defined body of influential Independents. A political 
tidal wave was sweeping over the country. In New 
York a most astonishing revolt took place, the Inde- 
pendent vote showing to what an extent it had grown. 
In 1880 Garfield received twenty-one thousand more 
votes in New York than Gen. Hancock ; but the 
majority which the State gave to Grover Cleveland, in 
his nomination for governor, was such as had never 
before been received by any candidate in any State in 
the Union. Grover Cleveland had fully justified the 
expectations of the people of Buffalo. He had put 
down dishonesty in the government in their city, and, 
in doing so, showed an executive ability of a high 
order, an independence of party, strength of will, and 
a practical way of dealing with public questions, that 
had won for him many favorable opinions ; and in the 
Democratic State Convention his nomination for the 



GROVER CLEVELAND. 543 

governor of New York was most enthusiastically 
received. He had come to Buffalo with no other capi- 
tal than honesty, integrity, industry, and common- 
sense. Unaided, he had advanced step by step, till he 
had won an honorable place in the community; and a 
majority of 192,854 as candidate for governor of New 
York was convincing proof of the position which he 
held in the State. 

On the day before his inauguration as governor, he 
went to Albany, and spent the night at the Executive 
Mansion. On the following day he walked through 
the throngs of people crowding the streets to the Capi- 
tol, and, unrecognized, entered the building. As soon 
as the simple ceremony of the inauguration was over, 
he entered the office of the Executive and quietly 
began his work. 

Here, again, the daring common-sense with which he 
exerted the veto-power attracted wide attention. 
Political agitators were not slow to make the most of 
these vetoes to arouse a feeling of hostility , but in the 
end it clearly appeared that the governor had done few 
things in his public career which were so much to his 
honor. 

In his public record, as well as in his private life, Mr. 
Cleveland has shown a profound regard for the welfare 
of the people of all classes, and a close attention in the 
proper and economical use of their money. His 
administration as governor of New York was most 
acceptable, notwithstanding the vetoes. His acts uni- 
formly indicated intentions consistent with his profes- 
sions. During his administration there was an earnest 
and general movement, irrespective of party ties, in 



544 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 

the direction of reform ; and it was universally 
acknowledged that the Executive chair was filled by a 
man fully identified with the movement, though the 
Executive was a Democrat and the Legislature Repub- 
lican. It is doubtful, if the two had been politically 
one, if more efficient support could have been given in 
the matter of reform. 

The governor also identified himself conspicuously 
with the subject of civil-service reform. His dignity 
and manliness of character and unwavering firmness 
continually won for him the respect and admiration of 
all with whom he came in contact, and left a deep 
impression of his ability, uprightness, and thorough 
independence. Thus it was altogether natural that 
there should arise in the party a strong movement in 
favor of his nomination for the Presidency, when the 
Democratic National Convention met in 1884. 

Mr. Tilden was of course the first choice of the State 
of New York ; but as soon as his letter was published, 
positively and emphatically declining a second nomina- 
tion, Grover Cleveland's name became identified with 
the movement. A circumstance which greatly favored 
his prospects as candidate was the relation toward him 
of the Independents. All the circumstances conspired 
to rouse the Democratic party as a whole to the level 
occupied by its best and leading men. The question of 
civil-service reform played an active part, and the 
prominent men in the Democratic Convention instinc- 
tively turned to Grovei Cleveland as the most appro- 
priate nominee. The Convention met in Chicago, July 
8, and was organized by the selection of Gov. Hubbard 
of Texas as temporary chairman, and Col. Vilas of 



GROVER CLEVELAND. 545 

Wisconsin as permanent chairman. The candidates 
put in nomination were Senator Bayard of Delaware, 
ex-Senator Thurman of Ohio, ex-Senator McDonald of 
Indiana, Hon. John G. Carlisle of Kentucky, Gov. 
Hoadley of Ohio, Hon. Samuel Randall of Pennsyl- 
vania, and Gov. Cleveland of New York. 

In his address to the convention, presenting Mr. 
Cleveland's name, Mr. Lockwood said, "A little more 
than three years ago I had the honor, at the city of 
Buffalo, to present the name of this same gentleman for 
the office of mayor of that city. It was presented 
then for the same reason, for the same causes, that we 
present it now. It was because the government of that 
city had become corrupt, and political integrity sat not 
in high places. The people looked for a man who 
would represent the contrary, and without any hesita- 
tion they named Grover Cleveland. The result of that 
election and his holding that office was that in nine 
months the State of New York found herself in want 
of such a candidate for such a purpose ; and at the 
convention of 1882, when his name was placed in 
nomination for the office of governor of the State of 
New York, the same people knew that it meant honest 
government. It meant pure government, and it was 
ratified by the people. Mr. Cleveland's candidacy 
before this convention is offered upon the ground 
of his honor, his integrity, his wisdom, and his 
Democracy." 

Mr. Cleveland was nominated on the second ballot, 
greatly to the satisfaction of his party. In his accept- 
ance of the nomination, he displayed himself as the same 
earnest and sincere advocate of justice and reform. 



546 LIVES OP THE PKESIDENTS. 

Such was the man presented to the people of the 
United States in opposition to James G. Blaine, the 
Republican candidate in 1884. The campaign was one 
of great excitement and desperate effort, carried to an 
extreme at once disgraceful and demoralizing ; a 
struggle in which both parties, perhaps, rendered 
unnecessary offence, but in which the supporters of 
Gov. Cleveland followed more closely the example of 
their candidate in dignity and determination. With 
the most brilliant statesman of America placed against 
them, they stood firm for their candidate ; and though 
the election was close, Gov. Cleveland was chosen by a 
decided majority to the position of chief magistrate ; 
the first Democratic President to be elected since the 
selection of James Buchanan in 1856. Naturally this 
long-delayed victory placed the Democratic party in a 
state of exultation which could scarcely be controlled. 
But the successful candidate bore himself throughout 
with the same dignity which had characterized his 
public life from its beginning ; the weight of responsi- 
bility, and the grave duties to be imposed upon him, 
bringing more of the serious than of the joyful side to 
his contemplation. 

On the 4th of March, with most unusual demonstra- 
tions on the part of the people, he took the oath of 
office, and assumed the position of President. As the 
natural result of the fiercely contested campaign, he 
entered upon the duties of the Chief Executive with 
many bitter political enemies. No President has 
escaped them ; few, however, have found them so deter- 
mined to crush every design and ambition, and to 
thwart every measure proposed. It has been difficult, 



GROVER CLEVELAND. 547 

if not impossible, for the most vigorous scandalmongers 
to lay either social or political charge successfully 
against the President. Nevertheless, with an opposing 
majority in the Senate, his feet were fettered and his 
actions criticised without economy ; persevering, how- 
ever, upon the same rules which had characterized him 
in other official departments, President Cleveland suc- 
ceeded in administering the government so thoroughly 
to the satisfaction of the grave and serious as to readily 
indicate himself the only candidate for renomination, 
by his party, at the expiration of his first term of 
office. 



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"Out of the beaten track" in its course of travel, record of adventures, 
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EDWARD GREEY'S JAPANESE SERIES 
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180 illustrations. Boards, $1.75. Cloth, $2.50. 

Graphic pen and pencil pictures of the remarkable bearded people who live 
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HARRY W. FRENCH'S BOOKS 
OUR BOYS IN INDIA 
The wanderings of two young Americans in Hindustan, with their exciting 

adventures on the sacred rivers and wild mountains. With 145 illustrations. 

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This gives the further adventures of" Our Boys" of India fame in the land 

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Sold by all booksellers, and sent by mail, postpaid, on receipt of pries 

LEE AND SHEPARD Publishers Boston 






lFj y n of- history 

By GEORGE MAKEPEACE TOWLE. 

Handsomely Illustrated. Price per vol., $1.25. Sets in neat boze& 

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HIS VOYAGES AND ADVENTURES. 

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HIS ADVENTURES AND CONQUESTS. 

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venture the assertion, that, wery our children led to read such books as this, 
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OR, THE FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 

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THE SEA-LION OF DEVON. 

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stirring bold, and adventurous, from early youth to old age. 

LEE AND SHEPAED, Publishers, Boston. 



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